Mankelklot H. Selassie (PhD)
For the opposition political parties in
the field one of its lethal weapons for replacing the regime to eradicate
poverty is the use of ballots. Ballots symbolize guns and bullets in the hands
of the army, the society. It is a given fact that the responsibility to
eradicate poverty, completely, resting on the shoulders of the political
parties particularly those in the field. They are in commanding and credible
position to give flesh, blood, and soul, that is, to concretize the social,
political, and economic misery hopelessly hovering over Ethiopian people. There
are three alternatives that can be used individually and in combinations, in
their hands to get rid of these problems once for all. With the absence of
Meles Zenawi for good, there is an optimum opportunity to do it this time
around and change the course of history. Inevitably there are sacrifices to be
paid.
One of the alternatives, the very handy
one, is the use of election; the second one is the use of uprising. And the
third one is, assuming that whoever is doing it is part and parcel of the
society, the use of coup d’état. All of them require meticulous and intensive
preparation, specifically on the part of the opposition forces in the field.
The society, as always, as they have shown in election 2005 and 2010, are ready
to actively participate if and when provided leadership. The society never
failed to discharge its share of responsibility. Given these ripe political and
social environment, it is totally wrong particularly on the part of the
political parties in the field to agitate for not to participate in the coming
2015 election. To agitate for not participating in the coming general election
is, particularly where, a) the TPLF leadership and the regime in general is in
political crisis, and b) where there is an opportunity for politically
perceptive political leadership, to indirectly campaigning in favour of the
survival of the regime. It is, directly or indirectly facilitating the regime’s
survival conspiracy while damaging the society‘s interests, which are, to begin
with, food, shelter and clothing. Therefore, the right thing to do, and the
timely thing to do, is to vigorously campaign for the election to take place.
At the same time, however, this is an important component of the campaign, to
vigorously rouse the society to come out in mass as they did before and elect
the opposition political parties, for which I will offer specific suggestions.
As I was strongly in favour of 2005 and 2010 elections, here too, I am strongly
suggesting participating in the general election of 2015. Hence the topic is,
“Lessons from May 15, 2005 Election.”
The campaign has to start seriously with
the exposure of what is vividly stated in TPLF’s political program, the
revolutionary democracy. It must be uncompromisingly exposed to the people of Ethiopia, and to the governmental and non
governmental international organization. Let them know the games TPLF
leadership is preparing to play in the coming general election. They have to be
told to actively involve themselves that the coming general election of 2015 is
properly and fairly conducted. They are the ones who built this regime to reach
to the level it has reached today, both politically and economically. Here is
what, the TPLF program states: …. only by winning the elections successively
and holding power without let up can we securely establish the hegemony of
Revolutionary Democracy. If we lose in the elections even once, we will encounter
a great danger. So, in order to permanently establish this hegemony, we should
win in the initial elections …. In the subsequent elections, too, we should be
able to win without interruption. The stealing of the election results of both
2005 and 2010 are embedded in it. This kind of built in mind-set must be
attacked vehemently from the start. To let it take its destructive course
unchallenged is wrong and unforgivable. It is tantamount to encouraging the
TPLF leadership to implement it again. One can boldly say that the divisive
Meles Zenwi, who was the brain and the mouth of TPLF and the regime, composed
this particular content of the program. Whether the current TPLF leadership,
which is in political crisis, in the absence of Meles Zenawi, would follow this
to the letter or not remains to be seen during the process of the campaign,
and, how the opposition political parties would be dealing with it. The bottom
line is, irrespective of what the TPLF leadership would do or not do, this
dictatorial position indicated above aught to be exposed fast and now, and
dismantled by the opposition political parties who are preparing to participate
in the election of 2015. In my opinion it is the key to winning or losing the
election. It is not a simple issue to let it go unnoticed.
Therefore, the political parties in the
field have to challenge it vehemently and meet the need of the current demand
of the society by systematically planning with equally ruthless and decisive
activities where the society at every level would be fully involved. The
society is ready. The effect of the intensive campaign done during the
elections of 2005 and 2010 is still intact. Teachers and students, elements
widely distributed from corner to corner of the country, could be decisively effective
instruments to retool the society with the current political situations. It is
just retooling. The potential is there. To suggest useful methods to be
applied, and to boost the preparation of the opposition parties in the field
for the 2015 election I will point out three lessons, here after called
activities, to be implemented from the election of May 15, 2005, namely: a) formation of a coalition
(Kinijit), b) disciplined organizational activities, and c) disciplined
participation of the society.
What are the Lessons to be replicated?
By systematically implementing the three
activities that would be discussed below, the then opposition political
organization were able to bring out over 26 million people to use their ballots
that completely destroyed Meles Zenawi and his regime. Mass participation is
very critical. I will offer the edited version of the three activities from my
article of September 17, 2008, WHY THE STRUGGLE FAILED. The three
activities were successful up to the date of May 15, 2005, the Election Day. My humble suggestion
to the opposition political organizations in the field is to replicate the
three activities in the coming general election of 2015. In addition to prepare
it to challenge the regime if and when it stole the election results again.
This part of the process, the challenging part, if and when needed, is going
beyond the finishing line. It is stepping across the marked line.
1. Forming a coalition (Kinijit)
In 2005, the formation of the coalition
undoubtedly stream lined and put in motion the process of the struggle for the
victory of May 15, 2005. The four political parties formed a coalition
strictly based on the strategy to beat Meles Zenawi and guarantee the coalition
to win at every level of the contest. Here is part of the strategy that can be
replicated by the current opposition political parties in the field that was
established before going into the election. The four parties, namely AEUP,
EDP-Medhin, Kestedemena and EDL, formed a coalition called Kinijit. They
decided to field only one representative against Melese’s one representative at
each election Kebele. Instead of two or more representatives of the opposition
parties competing against one of Meles’s, they decided to choose from among
themselves the strongest one that is capable to beat Meles’s representative, to
represent Kinijit. Hence the distinguishing names, AEUP/Kinijit,
EDP-Medhin/Kinijit, Kestedemena/ Kinijit and EDL/Kinijit. Note that Kinijit is
the common denominator. This was the strategy that effectively dealt a blow on
Meles Zenawi. Without this strategic setup, the election of May
15, 2005 might
have not been successful. In my opinion, this is an experimentally proven model
to be replicated in the coming general election of 2015 by the political
parties in the field.
2. Well disciplined organizational
activities of each member organization. These disciplined organizational activities, that
were already in the process of becoming visible, is the sum of: a) a strong,
dedicated and disciplined leadership; b) strong, dedicated and well disciplined
cadres or member-activists; c) well and effective in organizing their time,
their energy, and their resources; d) an extensive reach out that effectively
produced numerous offices and supportive Kebele community in the network. This
aspect of the preparation is an extremely important component for the election
of May 15, 2005 to succeed. And, e) well established organizational
structure, that showed the command and solid hierarchical structure. For the
current opposition political parties in the field to succeed in the coming
general election of 2015, they are encouraged as much as possible; in fact it
is a must, to adopt what was done before and during the election of May
15, 2005 by the
then opposition political parties.
That was exactly what the opposition
political parties did in the election of May 23, 2010 too. Except in here, in my opinion, it
was a process that showed political maturity on the part of the opposition
political parties. They went through negotiations and compromises that gave the
chance to open up a crack. A window of opportunity has to field their armies,
the society. The opposition political parties effectively utilized this window
of opportunity, the crack. Once the people got the chance to use their ballots,
it was a forgone conclusion for Meles and his regime to be beaten. That was
exactly what took place. The people did their job. But Meles stole the election
again. It implemented what it stated in its political program. Now too, in the
coming general election of 2015, it is guaranteed, that, with an intensive
agitation and campaign, the people will come out in mass and beat the regime
again. The people will do its share. But unfortunately, every time the election
was held the leadership of the opposition political parties do not persist to
pass the finishing line and grab the victory. Passing the finishing line is the
point where the transference of power from the regime to the people takes
place. Unfortunately, they turned their back and left the field, before
crossing the finishing line, while the people were openly demanding for their
right to be protected and defended. They cried, for no avail, for not letting
their votes to be stolen. Here is a very sad consequence of their actions. The
turning back by the leadership without completing the race exposed those
progressive and aggressive activists and cadres who did their best to motivate
the society to come out and vote, to be harassed, to be denied the social
services they were entitled to, to be banished, and to be tortured by the
regime‘s cadres. It was a very shameful act on the part of the opposition
political leaderships. They did have an input for such horrible treatments the
cadres and the activists received in the hands of Meles‘s cadres. They should
have apologized for what they did to the activists. I sincerely hope the
current opposition political parties in the field will stand on its two feet to
resist and challenge the regime and defend and protect the democratic rights of
the society. The people, as always, are there to line up behind them.
3. Well disciplined participation of the
society.
To have a turn out of about 26 million of
absolutely determined voters by resisting adverse natural elements, by
heroically and effectively resisting banishment, torture, even after witnessing
the killing of compatriots by Meles Zenawi’s ruthless security forces is simply
phenomenal. The Ethiopian people have clearly demonstrated how inherently
disciplined and determined they are, inherent characteristics that can be
harnessed, if and when, determined and disciplined leadership showed up. There
are two points to be observed here. One of them is the dedication, and, the effectively
hands-on involvement of the then opposition political parties particularly at
the grass roots level. These superior efforts on the part of the leadership and
the activists in the field of the opposition political organizations cannot be
denied, which was the first phase of the election. The second phase is what
they did when the election was stolen. The second point to be observed is the
built in resiliency and the perceptiveness of the people of Ethiopia. But, unfortunately, they were repeatedly
abandoned by the leaders of the opposition political leaders, after investing
so much time and energy, right after the day of the election of May
15, 2005 which is
the second phase of the election. It is a very important lesson that the
existing opposition political leaders in the field should take note of. It
appears that a culture of non persistence and not finishing the race type of
attitude, laziness, if you will, are being cultivated in the Ethiopian
political system of struggle. It is dangerous. It should be exposed, condemned,
pulled out and removed from its root for good. I think it is not a simple issue
to be ignored.
I strongly argue that, it is absolutely a
must to apply the above three activities to win the coming general election of
2015. If those in the field participate in the coming general election 2015 by
implementing the above three activities indicated, they will win. There is no
question about it. The question is, will the current political leaders leave
the harvest in the field as it was done by previous political leaders or
complete the process by empowering the people at any cost? Note that this is
the second phase of the election which is very critical. Therefore, the follow
up question to be answered is that, what if the leadership of TPLF refuses to
accept the result of the election as it did in the election of May
15, 2005, as well
as in election 2010? It can steal the votes and boldly declare that it is the
winner as it exactly did with the election results of May
15, 2005. Here is
an internationally recognized confirmation of its stealing, to show its
propensity to steal, if needed:
“No pragmatic strategy can justify the United States backing a regime that STOLE the last
election and has brutalized their own people and will, at some point, disintegrate
from its own corruption and incompetent ways.” Honourable Dana Rohrabacher
(R-CA) March 14, 2006. (It appears the prophesy of Rep. Dana Rohrabacher
(R-CA) is in the process of being fulfilled.)
I will adopt here the analysis I used in
my article of May 29, 2010, What if Meles Rejects the Results of the Election? Here
is the adoption: The defining question for the current political parties in the
field is then, a) given the inevitability of winning this coming general
election of 2015 by the people of Ethiopia, and, b) assuming the determination of
the regime to reject the result of the coming general election of 2015, are the
competing opposition parties prepared and determined to challenge it by
applying democratic means, say uprising, until the regime accepts its lose and
submit to the democratic reality? Given the existence of ripe environment for
winning the election, to postpone or boycott the general election of 2015,
instead of determining to win and prepare oneself for it, at any cost, is
tantamount to committing a crime of historic proportion against the people of Ethiopia. The beginning and the end of the
election should not be measured on the basis of the lack of the gut and the
lack of determination on the part of the opposition political parties in the
field. Nor should it be measured on ones organizational internal weakness. It
should be measured on the basis of whether the people are ready; all the way,
to defend its right provided it gets gutsy and determined leaders to lead it.
For a cut throat type of struggle the people of Ethiopian are engaged in, any
available crack, small or big, should be latched on to it and taken advantage
of. Therefore it is a must for the leadership of the opposition political
leadership to organize and prepare itself to fit into the mould of the people.
Amazingly the reverse is taking place in Ethiopia. It is not the political leaders who are
providing the mould it is the people who is providing it. When people come out
in mass and vote; when people demand for its democratic right, its vote, to be
protected, then it is providing the mould to be fitted by the political
parties.
Here comes a thought provoking opinion of
mine which I believe will help the system of political struggle in Ethiopia. I want to link this general election of 2015
in particular, in fact, any future comprehensive political activities in general
to simple, and humble, human to human relationship based activities, in
addition to emotional and organic attachment. I want to weave this strictly
based on human to human, with no hierarchical relationship attached to it, into
the political system of struggle. That is, activities are organized and implemented
humanely. Not from a position of authority, a kind of an already established
top-down process. Not from a position of here I am to teach you kind of thing.
That is, humans talking to humans on equal basis. Not political leaders or
activists or cadres talking to human beings as political leaders or activists
or cadres. Considering that both are on the same level where one would not
think about ones political leadership; where one would not think about ones
political status; where one would not think, primarily, about ones
organizational interests or powers. Almost always, at least subliminally, this
last one is the driving force of political organizations, or political leaders,
or, cadres. They completely forget or ignore the interests of the people so
routinely talked about in meetings, in press releases, and in political
commentaries. When the primary concern is the interests and aspirations of the
people, when one succeeds on this laid down fundamental principle, the
interests of the political organizations, which are political power, will be
fulfilled by the people whose interests are also fulfilled in the process. It is
automatic. So, I want to link these basic human being tendencies to the coming
general election of 2015. Based on this premise then, I would like to put
forward a challenging question, Do People Matter Any More and weave it into the
present and the future political activities to be applied by the opposition
political parties and the civic organizations?
So Do People Matter any More?
The challenges are, are we emotionally and
organically attached and linked to the people that we talk about routinely? How
is this organic and emotional linkage manifested in our daily political
activities? Are we thinkers of People first, no matter what? Are the press
releases made, the political commentaries made, the public meetings organized,
made in complete commitment to, and, the people in mind? Or, are these
political activities simply and routinely made, because they have to be done to
manifest our existence? That is to say, we are alive and kicking. The question
is to those structurally organized groups, be they civic organizations or
political parties, be they in Diaspora or inside Ethiopia. If people matter, that is, if the
concern is what happened to them, what is happening to them right now, and what
will happen to them in the near future, then, given the current political
opportunity, negotiation and compromise should be the key to open up the window
of opportunity, a crack, to be used. In such favourable political environment
any size of a crack should be taken advantage of. That is disarming and
humbling oneself for the sake of eradicating poverty, for the good of the
society, and for the sake of economic security for the current generations and
the generations to come.
Do people matter to the leadership of
TPLF?
The answer is no. Let alone the people, it
hates the name Ethiopia itself. The hatred would be intense when Ethiopia is attached to anything. For example the
Ethiopian people. The Ethiopian flag. The leadership of TPLF have tried to
diminish the honoured symbolic representation of the flag including defacing it.
For how long did the leadership of TPLF refused to say the word Ethiopia? These are the people who robbed
churches, killed priests, sold human bodies for profit, capitalized on famine
to make money, all these done on the people of Tigry. They considered the
Tigry people something else not human beings. Even though they are trying their
level best to make up for it, history will and cannot forget it. It is the
legacy of Meles Zenawi and his group. Let them be aware of it.
So it is not surprising for the TPLF
leadership not to consider the people of Ethiopia as human beings. It so vehemently
detested the people it is supposed to provide full services, it considers them
animals, particularly as donkeys that cannot think or rationalize. Donkeys are
extremely submissive animals bred to carry loads whenever one wished and
wherever one wanted the load to be moved to. It does what its owner wants it to
do. The leadership of TPLF believes that it owns the people of Ethiopia as dedicated servants. In fact, with full
confidence the people are there to satisfy its voracious political and economic
hunger. It was to that effect that Meles Zenawi, from the outset, with his
gang, formulated a policy to enslave the Ethiopian people. Implemented it to
the letter until his death, It is an undeniable truth. This openly manifested motive
of the leadership of TPLF has to be removed surgically. Here the bottom line
argument is that people did not matter then before the death of Meles, and, it
does not matter now after the death of Meles Zenawi. The mystified word
(slogan), development (LIMAT) that one reads and hears all over the government
information dissemination means, that one reads on T-shirts and caps are covers
systematically used to hypnotize the people, without even scratching the
existing abject poverty that the people are suffering from. The people are
occupied with this empty hypnotic slogan being regurgitated everywhere.
Some Indicators of People do not Matter
Anymore
People do not matter any more means they
are no more considered as leaving breathing human beings. They are considered
animals. I argue that had the leadership of TPLF considered the people of
Ethiopia as human beings, hence due concern for its peace and unity--for these
two are essential for economic development--at least for its basic shelter,
food, clothing and health, it would have not, even thought about it, let alone
dividing it along its ethnic and language lines and solidify it by introducing
article 39 Which indicates a very hateful and vengeful attitude towards the
Ethiopian people. By so doing it created a charged up environment. Instead, it
would have totally focused on the poverty issue and how to eradicate it.
The second indicators are, the judicial system, the educational
system, the health services, the intelligence (security), the military, the
media and the economic policies would have been, from the outset, structured
and geared toward fulfilling the interests and aspirations of the society at
large. No, the people of Ethiopia are taken by the leadership of TPLF as
animals, not human beings capable of thinking and rationalization, it is simply
there to serve it. To satisfy its political and economic needs. To effectively
and efficiently handle its business empire established, and, embedded in the so
called economic system of the country, hence a state within a state, it has to
capitalize on this nonhuman being categorization, devoid of feelings and
compassion.
The third indicator is the eviction. The eviction of thousands of people with
deliberately calculated move shows the non existence of human to human relationship
hence the non-existence of feelings and compassion because, the other side is
not considered as human beings. Once the premise is established on “not human
but animals categorization,” it follows then, what happens to the sick, the
elderly, the pregnant, the babies being carried by their mothers, the children,
to those who are being uprooted would not be of any concern to the TPLF
leadership. The bottom line that one can learn from this eviction process being
manifested in Ethiopia, is, that, these human sufferings did not
affect an iota the TPLF leadership because the people are considered as
animals. Those ethnic parties who are branches of the regime are simply
followers who, perhaps still are, with short leashes on their necks. Certainly
they were with short leashes before the death of Meles. They were under
hypnotic control of Meles Zenawi. His death might have liberated them to a
certain extent. Perhaps it is simply a wish on my part.
The fourth indicator is the selling of
fertile lands. The
rampant selling of the fertile lands to foreign governments under the cover of
leasing, a very lucrative money making business, also reflects the lack of
human based relationship that should have existed between the people of Ethiopia and the leadership of TPLF, and, by
extension, here I want to introduce another factor into the picture, between
the civic organizations and the political parties. Because of this relationship
the leadership of TPLF could not see the future harmful impact of selling the
land on the generations to come. As long as the deal satisfies its immediate
political and economic needs it does not care about what would happen to the
coming generations and what it would do. The youths of Ethiopia must note this divisive prescription.
Do the Opposition Political and Civic
Organizations have Input for the Development of this Characteristics of the
TPLF Leadership?
Yes they do. I think it is an important
point to note. I strongly argue that, by extension, these destructive deeds and
beliefs that took place in Ethiopia by TPLF leadership cover the opposition
forcers both inside Ethiopia and outside of Ethiopia. I argue that, simply put, the opposition
political parties and the civic organizations were and are considered animals
hence donkeys. Why?
For one thing they are part and parcel of
the society considered animals. Secondly, because they did not show any type of
hands on aggressive resistance by standing on the side of the people treated as
animals. They were and still are as submissive as the donkeys. The TPLF leadership
knows and feels about it and right now it can do anything it wishes to do and
get away with it under the nose of the opposition political and civic
organizations.
Isn’t this a fact?
Even though this characterization applies
to both who are inside as well as out side of Ethiopia, it more characterizes those inside of Ethiopia for they are there where the action was, and,
is still taking place. For example, to cite the most recent one, they did not
have the gut to stand on the side of the evicted Ethiopians, a concrete and
undeniable issue, by using hands on aggressive and continuous resistance, for
example repeated demonstrations at any cost until the issue is settled in favour
of the evicted. International organizations, both governmental and not
governmental, see this inaction; call it laziness, if you will, on the part of
the opposition parties in the field, as a deliberate approval of what the TPLF
leadership is doing. The opposition forces, in fact, both inside and outside of
Ethiopia would not be free from the condemnation by
history.
So, believe it or not, accept it or not,
this is the exact relationship between the people of Ethiopia and the leadership of TPLF, on one hand,
and between the leadership of TPLF and the leadership of the opposition forces,
be they civic organizations or political parties.
If people mattered, that is, the
attachment and the link is organic, hence the concern will always be there day
and night, then, given the poverty situation of the society, given the
degradation of the education system, given the degradation of the health
services in the country, the civic organizations and the political parties,
both inside and outside of Ethiopia are responsible to do things at its
disposal to come to the rescue of the society by crafting effective means and
situations. Right now, the opportunity is there to change the course of
history. It is undeniable. Please note that, poverty, the degradation of the
education system, and, the degradation of the health services will have untold
impact on the generations to come. They will, directly or indirectly, stunt and
arrest the proper functioning and development, particularly of the children in
schools. Imagine a hungry, and unhealthy child in a classroom and the impact of
these situations on the mental and psychological development of the child. What
picture do you see? If people matter it is also the responsibility of the
current young generations, the current youths, for these dysfunctional conditions
hovering over the society of Ethiopia to be removed completely.
Mankelklot H. Selassie (PhD)
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