በየፊናችን እየተማረርን መማራችን ለበጎ ነው

ይነጋል በላቸው

እቲ ናይ ቀደም ሰላም ዘመን ክምለስ፤

ሰላም ኢልና ንዝመር ብሃደ መንፈስ፡፡…

(ከኤርትራው ተወላጅ ድምጻዊ ርዕሶም ገ/እግዚአብሔር የዘፈን ግጥም የተወሰደ)

ይሄ ኢሣት የሚባል ቴሌቪዥን በትዝታ ባህር እያስዋኘ ጊዜየንም ዕንባየንም እያስጨረሰኝ ነው፡፡ በግማሽ ሜትር ርቀት እሱው ጋ - እቲቪው አጠገብ - ከተደቀንኩ የሚያስነሳኝ የለም፡፡ ቤቴ ሁሌ በአምባጓሮ እንደታመሰ ነው፡፡ ቤተሰብ የሚፈልገውና እኔ የምፈልገው ለየቅል በመሆኑ ትንሹ አምባገነን ሆኛለሁ፡፡ ለነገሩ አምባነንነት የሚጀምረው ከቤት ነውና ይቺ ተፅዕኖየ እየተሰማችኝ መጥታለች፡፡ ምን ላድርግ?

ትናንትና ጧት ላይ ሲሳይና ተወልደ ይበልጡን በግንቦት ወር ዙሪያ የሚያጠነጥንና እልህና ቁጭት ውስጥ የሚከት ዝግጅት እያቀረቡ ሳለ አንድ ሙዚቃ ጋበዙን፡፡ የዚህ ሙዚቃ አዝማች በመግቢያየ ላይ ያስቀመጥኩት ነው፡፡ የአማርኛንና የትግርኛን ቋንቋዎች ተቀራራቢነት የምገልጽላችሁ ይህን እላይ ያስቀመጥኩትን የሁለት ስንኞች ዘለላዎች ወዳማርኛ ላለመተርጎም በመፈለግ ነው - ተቻችሏልና - ከዚህ በላይ እንደምን ይነገር - ያው ነው፡፡ ስልቻ ቀልቀሎ ቀልቀሎ ስልቻ፤ (እኛን የሚያለፋን ክፉ መንፈስ ብቻ፡፡)

በተለይ ከ1960ዎቹ የመጨረሻ ዓመታት አንስቶ በኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ የተለቀቀው የአውሬው ክፉ መንፈስ በሀገራችን የሠለጠነው ክፉ አውሬ ያላደረገን ነገር የለም፡፡ ኢትዮጵያችንን እንደገና መሥራት እጅግ አስቸጋሪ እስከሚሆንብን ድረስ የአጋንንት ኃይል ተጫውቶብናል፡፡ ተመሳሳይ የባህልና የኢኮኖሚ እንዲሁም የሃይማኖትና የሥነ ልቦና ቀመር ባላቸው የአንዲት ሀገር ሕዝብ መካከል በሌሎች ሀገራት ያልታዬ የመከፋፈልና የዘረኝነት አባዜ ታይቶብናል፡፡ የታዩብንን ኆልቁ መሣፍርት የሌላቸውን ጉድፎች ከመግለጽ ይልቅ ያልታዩልንን ጥቂት መልካም ገጽታዎች መናገሩ ሳይቀለን አይቀርም - እነሱም ካልደበዘዙ፡፡

ለዐይን ይበጃል ተብሎ የተቀቡት ኩል ዐይንን እንደሚያጠፋ ሁሉ የነበሩንን አነስተኛ ችግሮች ለማስወገድ ብለን አንዳንዶቻችን በወሰድናቸው እርምጃዎች የጋራ የትስስር ገመዶችን (social fabrics) ከመበጣጠስ ጀምሮ አጠቃላዩ ማኅበረሰብኣዊና ሀገራዊ ኅልውናችን ጥያቄ ውስጥ እስኪገባ ድረስ ረጂም የጥፋት መንገድ ተጉዘናል፡፡ የሀብትና ሥልጣን ሱስ እንዲሁም አጥንትን ሰርስሮ የገባው የቂም በቀል ልክፍትና የጥላቻ መንፈስ ከደም ዝውውር ሥርዓታችን በቀላሉ ስለማይወጡ እንጂ አሁን ሰዓቱ የንስሃ ነበር፡፡ ንስሃው ቀርቶ ከምንሠራቸው ተጨማሪ ጥፋቶች መቆጠብ በራሱ ትልቅ መልካም ዋጋ የሚያሰጠው ነበረ፡፡ ‘Better late than never’ ይላሉ ፈረንጆች - አርፍዶም ቢሆን አንድን (መልካም) ሥራ መሥራት የሚገባ መሆኑን ለማጠየቅ፡፡ ግን ማን ዐውቆት? የዘመኑንስ መቃረብ ማን ተረድቶት? …

ርዕሶም ገ/እግዚአብሔር ለአንድ ድሃ ዘመዴ የሚሆነኝን ዕንባ ሊያውም በጧቱ አስነባኝ፡፡ እግዚአብሔር ይባርከው፡፡ የብዙ ልጆች አባት የነበረውና በሻዕቢያ ሠርጎ ገቦች የተገደለው የነምሥግና ደግ መንፈስ፣ የነዶክተር ፍስሐጽዮን መንግሥቱ ደግ መንፈስ፣ የሌሎቹም የቀድሞዋ የኢትዮጵያ ጠቅላይ ግዛት የኤርትራ ዕንቁ ልጆች ደገኛ መንፈስ ከመለኮት ጥበቃ ጋር በነፍስና በሥጋው አይለዩት፡፡ ልጅነቴን አሳየኝ፡፡ የደጉን ዘመን አሻራዎች በዘፈኑ አስቃኘኝ፡፡ አዲስ አበባ ላይ በተወሰኑ ቦታዎች ፈልጌ ስላጣሁት ይህን ዘፈኑን በኢሜሌ ለሚልክልኝ ወገን - ምን ሽልማት ላዘጋጅ እባካችሁን - አዎ -አዲስ አበባ አሥመራ የደርሶ መልስ የመኮንን ነጋሽ ወይም የሀጂ አብዱ አሊያም የወሎ ፈረስ ሀገር አቋራጭ ትኬት በአድራሻው እልክለታለሁ፡፡ በእነዚህ አልሄድም ለሚል የንሥር አሞራ ትኬትም አለኝ፡፡ (እነዚህንና ሌሎችን የሕዝብ ትራንስፖርት ማኅበራት የሚያስታውስ ይኖር ይሆን? ዘመኑ እኮ እየራቀ ሄደ!)

ርዕሶምን ወደድኩት፡፡ እንዲህ ይላል - ጦርነት ይብቃን፤ እንደ ቀድሞ ሠናይ ዘመን ወደ አንድነታችን እንመለስ፤ የአንድ ቤተሰብ ልጆች ተበታትነን አንቅር፤ በአክሱም በአድዋ በጎንደር በጎጃም ባህር ዳር አድርገን በአውቶቡሶችቻችን ልክ እንደዱሮው በፈለግነው አቅጣጫና ወደፈለግነው ቦታ እንደርሱ አገላለጽ ወዳፈተተን የኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ግዛት እንዳሻን እንመላለስ፤ ከሸዋ ወደ አሥመራ ያላንዳች ኮንቮይና ያላንዳች የጉዞ ሰነድ በአንድ ሀገር ልጅነት እንዘዋወር፤ በምፅዋ በሃሰብ በአውሣ በደሴ በኮምቦልቻ ከሚሴ አድርገን ትሬንታ ኳትሮዎቻችን፣ ኤን ትሬዎቻችን፣ ሎንቺናዎቻችን እንደቀድሞው ደጉ ዘመን ሰውም ሆነ ዕቃ እየጫኑ ይመላለሱ፤ (በተንኮለኞችና በመሠሪዎች) ከሸልቶው የተለየው ሪሞርኪ ይቀጠልና መኪናው የተሟላ አቋም ይኑረው - የተበጠሰው ግንኙነት ይቀጠል፤ በሃይማኖትና በቋንቋ ልዩነቶች መቆራቆስ ይብቃ… ይለናል - ሰሚ ከተገኘ የርዕሶም ዘፈን ታሪካዊ ነው፡፡ የቀድሞውን ዘመን በጨረፍታም ቢሆን ላዬ ለእንደኔ ዓይነቱ ከርታታ ዜጋ ይህ ዘፈን ካላስለቀሰው ሌላ ምንም ሊያስለቅሰው የሚችል ነገር የለም - አለበለዚያም ራሱ አስለቃሽ ነው ማለት ነው፡፡

የደረስንበት ዘመን ለወሬ ብዙም የሚያምር አይደለም፡፡ ከአሁን ወዲያ ወሬና የፖለቲካ ትንተና ሳይሆን ተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴ ብቻ ነው ሀገራችንን ከወረሯት መዥገሮችና ገሃነማዊ የእሳት ትሎች ነጻ ሊያወጣት የሚችል፡፡ በመቶዎች የአስተሳሰብና የአመለካከት ጎራዎች እየተቧደኑ በነገር ጅራፍና በአሽሙር ጦር መተጋተጉ፣ በመቶዎች የሲቪል ማኅበረሰብ ተቋማት እየተደራጁ በቃላትና በተቃውሞ ሰልፍ ጠላትን በምናብ ‹ማደባየቱ›፣ ወጡ ሳይወጠወጥ በርቀትም በቅርበትም በህልማዊ ሥልጣን ነፍዞ መቆራቆሱ፣ ተመሳሳይ በሽታን ለማከም ተመሳሳይ የዘረኝነት ክትባትን ተከትቦ በዚያ ያረጀ ያፈጀ የጎጠኝነት ፈሊጥ ተሰባስቦ የ‹እገሌ ብሔር ነጻ አውጪ ድርጅት› እያሉ በወያኔዊ ቅኝት መጓዙ፣ ከአንዱ እያኮረፉ ወደሌላው በመግባት ከነባሩ የበሰበሰና የገማ ስብዕና መገለጫ ጋር አዲስና የቆዩ እንቅስቃሴዎችን ማጨንገፉ፣ ለሥልጣንና ገንዘብ ሲባል በሕዝብ የማቴሪያልና የሞራል ሕይወት መጫወቱ… ላለፉት 22 ዓመታት ተሞክሮ ‹እነሱ›ን ከመጥቀም ባሻገር ‹እኛ›ን ጨምሮ ሁላችንንም የሚጠቅም አንዳችም ለውጥ ባለማምጣቱ ከዚህ በኋላ በዚህ የተበላ ዕቁብ መንገድ መራመዱ ዋጋ የለውም - የሕዝብን የነጻነት ፍለጋ መንፈስ በማቀጨጭና አለኝታን በማሳጠት ረገድ የተጫወተው ሚናም ቀላል አይደለም - ሕዝቡን ሰጥ ረጭ ያደረገውም ይሄው ነው (‹አገባሻለሁ ያለ ላያገባሽ ከባልሽ ሆድ አትባባሽ› የሚባለው ይህን ዓይነቱን መጥፎ አጋጣሚ ለመግለጽ ነው)፡፡ ከአሁን በኋላ ማድረግ የሚገባን ‹እነሱ›ንም ‹እኛ›ንም በእኩል የሚጠቅም፣ ሀገራችንን ከውርደት የሚያድን፣ ሕዝባችንን ካለመኖር ወደመኖር የሚያመጣ አዲስ ተግባራዊ እንቅስቃሴ መጀመር እንጂ የሞኝ ዘፈን ሁልጊዜ አበባየ እንዲሉ በጀመርነው የንግግርና የጽሑፍ እንካስላንትያ መቀጠሉ ብዙም ፋይዳ ያለው አይመስለኝም፡፡ ከነተረቱ የወሬ የለውም ፍሬ ነው፡፡ ሕዝቡ የሚፈልገው ዜና ‹ እንደዚህ የሚባል ጠንካራ የተቃዋሚ ኃይል እነዚህን ጠቅላይ ግዛቶች ተቆጣጥሮ ወደመናገሻዋ ከተማ ወደ አዲስ አበባ በከፍተኛ ፍጥነት እየተጓዘ ነው› የሚል እንጂ የነገር ወንጭፍ ሰልችቶታል፡፡ የዚያ ዓይነት ዜና በተነገረ ማግሥት - ለዚያ ዓይነቱ ዜና ያብቃን እንጂ - በየትኛውም ኢትዮጵያዊ ሥፍራ ምን ሊፈጠር እንደሚችል መገመት አይከብድም፡፡ ለማንኛውም ጥቂት ነጥቦችን እንዳመጣጣቸው ላክልና ላብቃ፡፡

1. ቪኦኤ ‹ወጣቱ የፖለቲካ ተንታኝ› እያለ የሚያሞካሸውን የጁሃር ሲራጅ መሃመድን የኢሣት ቃለ መጠይቅ ተከታተልኩ፡፡ እጅግ የሚመስጥ ነው፡፡ ልጁም የዋዛ አይደለም፡፡ ጥሩ አንባቢ ነው፡፡ የልጅ ዐዋቂ ቢባል አያንሰውም፡፡ ይደግ ይመንደግ፡፡ ከዐይን ያውጣው፡፡ እንደልደቱ አያሌው የትንታግ አንደበት ባለቤት ነው - ያነጻጸርኩት አንደበታቸውን ነው፤ አንደበት ደግሞ የእውነተኛ ማንነት መገለጫ አይደለም - ተግባር ነው ዋናው የማንነት ማሳያ፡፡ የተሰማኝን ቅሬታ ግን በእግረ መንገድ ልግለጥ፡፡ እናም ለጁሃር ብቻ ይህችን ጸሎትና አስተያየት ልሰንዝር፡፡

የተሟላ ኢትዮጵያዊ ስብዕና እንድትላበስ፣ ከሌንጮ ለታዊ ሻዕቢያ ተከል ኋላቀር አስተሳሰብ ነጻ የወጣህ እንድትሆን፣ ከአንድ ብሔር ተቆርቋሪነት ወጥተህ የሁሉም ኢትዮጵያውያን/ት ዜጎች አለኝታ እንድትሆን ፈጣሪ ይርዳህ፡፡ ይህን የምለው በቃለ መጠይቁ ከተናገረው ሳይሆን ካልተናገረው ነገር ግን ለኔና መሰል ወገኖቼ ከዐይነ ውኃው ከሚገባን ተነስቼ የተረዳሁትን ነው፡፡

ጉዳዩ እንዲህ ነው፡፡ በእንግሊዝኛው paralanguage ይሉት ነገር አለ፡፡ በቋንቋ የመግባባት ሂደት ቀላል አይደለም - እጅግ አስቸጋሪ ነው፡፡ እየመረቅሁህ የምረግምበት፣ እየሰደብኩህ የማመሰግንበት፣ ፍቅሬን እየገለጥኩልህ ጥላቻየን የማንጸባርቅበት የአነጋገር ሁኔታ አለ፡፡ ወርቃማ ቃላትን፣ ሰውነትን በሃሤት የሚያለመልሙ ሀረጋትንና ዐረፍተ ነገሮችን በአንደበቴ እየተናገርኩ ባለሁበት ሁኔታ የሰውነት እንቅስቃሴየና መላው የአነጋገር ድባቤ ሲጠና ግን ከምናገረው ስተጀርባ የተለያዩ የእውነተኛው ስሜቴ ነጸብራቆች የሆኑ ተቃራኒ መልእክቶች ሊተላለፉ እንደሚችሉ መታወቅ አለበት፡፡ ቋንቋ ብቻውን እውነተኛውን ማንነታችንን አያሳይም ማለት ነው፡፡ ድባብና ዐውድ እንዲሁም ድምፀት ቋንቋ አከል የመግባቢያ ሥልቶች ናቸው፡፡ ሁሉንም እንደወረደ ከወሰድነው ለተሳሳተ ግንዛቤ ልንጋለጥ እንችላለንና ንግግርን ከዐይነ ውኃ ጋር በማዛመድ የሰውን እውነተኛ ማንነትና ስሜት ከተራው ሥነ ልሣናዊ ዐውድ ወጣ ባለ መንገድ ለመረዳት መሞከር ይገባናል፡፡ በዚህ ረገድ ብዙ ማለት ቢቻልም ለአሁኑ ይብቃን፡፡

ጁሃር የኢትዮጵያን ስም መጥራት በልጆች አነጋገር የሚደብረው ይመስለኛል፡፡ በዚያ ቃለ መጠይቁ ጠያቂው ኢትዮጵያን በተደጋጋሚ ለመጥራት ቢሞክርም ተጠያቂው ገሸሽ ሲያደርግና ወደኦሮሚያ ክፉኛ ሲያዘነብል አስተውያለሁ ፤ ከተሳሳትኩ እታረማለሁ፡፡ ግን ለምን እንዲህ ሆነ? ብለን መጠየቅ እንችላለን፡፡ ምክንያቱን ከመገመት በስተቀር በግልጽ ለማወቅ ይከብዳል፡፡

ጁሃር የወያኔ ዘመን ምሁር ነው፤ ያልዘሩት አይበቅልምና የተቃኘበት ዘፈን ሁሉ ከኮዝሞፖሊታኒዝም አነስ ሲልም ከኢትዮፒያኒዝም እጅግ ባፈነገጠ መልኩ የአንድ ብሔር አቀንቃኝ ሊሆን የመቻሉ ምሥጢር ጊዜው ያቀረበለት ምርጫና እርሱም ምናልባትም ሳይወድ በግዱ የተቀበለው አካሄድ ይመስላል፡፡ እናም እንደ ዶክተር ፍቅሬ ቶሎሣ ጥናታዊ ዘገባ ከ80 በመቶ በላይ በጋብቻና ወሊድ ትስስር እርስ በርሱ ተጋምዶ እንደውሃና ወተት የተዋሃደውን የኢትዮጵያን ሕዝብ ‹ኦሮሞ፣ አማራ …› እያለ በወያኔ በተቀደደለት ቦይ ለመፍሰስ መሞከሩ ትንሽ አሳስቦኛል፤ ከልጅ አንደበት ይህን መሰል ፍካሬ የማንበቤ ዕድለቢስነቴም አስቆጥቶኛል፡፡ ይህ ብርቅዬ ልጃችን እንደገና ቁጭ ብሎ ማሰብ ይኖርበታል - እኔ እሱን የኔ ብዬ ያለመሻከክ እንድቀበለው እርሱም የጋራ እናታችንን እማዬ እንዲላት እጠብቃለሁ - የእንጀራ እናቱ አይደለችምና፡፡ ገና ወጣት እንደመሆኑ ቅኝቱን ለብልጣብልጥነት ሥልት ሳይሆን ለእውነት ብሎ ካስተካከለ በመለኮታዊ የዕውቀት ትውፊት ታድሏልና ሁላችንንም የሚጠቅም የሁላችንም ተስፋ ሊሆን የሚችልበት ዕድል አለው፡፡ አሁን በያዘው ጎዳና ቢቀጥል ግን አዝናለሁ የትም ይደርሳል ብዬ አላስብም፡፡ ላስፈራራው አይደለም፡፡ እውነትን መናገር ስላለብኝ ነው፡፡ ዘመኑ የጎጥና የሸንተረር፣ የነገድና የአጥንት ጥራት ሳይሆን የሰብኣዊነት ነው፡፡ እንስሳት የዕድገት ደረጃቸው እንደሚፈቅድላቸው ዐይጥ ከዐይጥ ፣ ድመት ከድመት፣ ውሻም ከውሻ… ይሰባሰቡ፡፡ ሰዎች ግን ሰዎች ስለሆንን በደምና በአጥንት ሳይሆን በሰውነታችንና በሀገራዊ የጋርዮሽ ዜግነታችን እንሰባሰብ፡፡ (ከአሁን በኋላ ደግሞ መታወቂያችን ላይ ‹ብሔር› የሚል ነገር መኖር የለበትም፤ ዜግነት የሚለው በቂ ነው፡፡)

‹ከአነጋገር ይፈረዳል፤ ከአያያዝ ይቀደዳል› ነውና ጁሃር የአዲሱ ዘመን ሐዋርያ መሆን ከፈለገ በዘር የታሸውና ኦሮምኛ ተናጋሪን ሕዝብ ከኢትዮጵያ አጀንዳ እየነጠለ ኦሮሚያና ኢትዮጵያ የሚባሉ ልይት ኑባሬዎች ያሉ ያህል መስበኩ አዋጪ ካለመሆኑም በተጨማሪ ሌላ ዋጋ ያስከፍለናል፡፡ አንድን ሕዝብ በዘርና በሃይማኖት እየነጣጠሉ አንዱን ጨቋኝ ሌላውን ተጨቋኝ እያደረጉ ማቅረብ ስህተት ነው፡፡ በመሠረቱና እንደእውነቱም ከሆነ ተጨቋኝ እንጂ ጨቋኝ ሕዝብ የለም፡፡ እርግጥ ነው - ከአንድ ሕዝብ አብራክ የሚገኙና ከዚያ ሕዝብ የተወሰነውን ክፍል አስተባብረው የራሳቸውን ህልምና ቅዠት በሌሎች ላይ የሚጭኑ አሰለጦች እንዳሉ ሩቅ ሳንሄድ እዚሁ ሀገራችን ውስጥ በከባድ ክፍያ ተምረናል - ይህን የፈጠጠ ጠባሳ ለመሻር ብዙ መሥራት እንደሚጠበቅብንም መገንዘብ አለብን፡፡ ከዚያ ውጭ አማራ/ትግሬ የሚባል ጨቋኝ ኦሮሞ/ደቡብ የሚባል ተጨቋኝ ነበረ/አልነበረም በሚል ጉንጭን ማልፋት ተማርኩ ከሚል ቀርቶ ከደንቆሮም ሰው አይጠበቅም - ከዚያ የተሻለ ፍሬያማ ውጤት የሚያስገኝ ሥራ ባልጠፋበት ዘመን የዱሮ ታሪክ እያነሱ ወርቃማ ጊዜን ማባከንም ሞኝነት ነው፡፡ አማራው በኦሮሞው ውስጥ፣ ትግሬው በአማራውና በኦሮሞው ውስጥ ፣ ጉራጌው በሃዲያውና በሰሜኑ ውስጥ፣ ሰሜኑ በምዕራቡና በምሥራቁ ውስጥ የአንዱ ደም በሌላው ደም ውስጥ እየቀለጠ ሰምና ወርቅ ሆነው ይኖሩ እንደነበር ከዘነጋን የተሸረጠብን አንዳች ክፉ መንፈስ፣ ተዳብሎን ያለ ሸርና ተንኮል አለ ማለት ነውና ራሳችንን እንመርምር፡፡ የጋራ ችግርን በጋራ መፍትሔ ማስወገድ እየተቻለ ሽል ምንጠራ ውስጥ መግባት አስፈላጊም ተገቢም ወቅታዊም አይደለምና በተለይ ምሁራን የተባላችሁ ወገኖች ተጠንቀቁ፡፡ መማር ጥሩ ነው - ነገር ግን ዐወቅሁ ብላ መጽሓፋቸውን ያጠበችውን የቄሱን ሚስት መሆን አይገባም፡፡ ሕዝብ ‹ማን ይምራህ? እንዴት ይምራህ? ችግርህ ምንድን ነው?› ተብሎ ይጠየቃል እንጂ ያላሳከከውን በማከክ ያልነበረና የማይፈለግ ቁስል መፍጠር ነውር ነው፡፡ እኛ እንደሕዝብ አብረን ነው የኖርነውና እየኖርንም ያለነው፡፡

ከኔ ቤት ቀጥሎ ተስፋጋብር አለ፤ ከተስፋጋብር ቤት ቀጥሎ የሻመና ቶቆ ቤት አለ፤ ከርሱ ቤት ፊት ለፊት የደቻሳና የጫልቱ ቤት ይገኛል፤ ከነሱ ቤት በስተኋላ ግደይና ስንሻው ቡና እየተጠራሩ በሀዘኑም በደስታውም እየተገናኙ በሰላም ይኖራሉ፡፡ በአብረኸት ሠርግ ጣይቱና ዘርመጪት ልባቸው እስኪጠፋ ይጨፍራሉ፡፡ በሐጎስ ቤት የክርስትና ድግስ ይነጋልና አበቅየለሽ ታፋቸው እስኪገነጠል ጮቤ ይረግጣሉ፡፡ በፈይሣና በካሣሁን የቀብር ሥነ ሥርዓት ላይ ፍትዊና ሃንቆሬ ስቅስቅ ብለው ያለቅሳሉ … እኛ እንዲህ ነበርን፤ ነንም፡፡ ባልና ሚስቶቹ አደፍርስና አምለሰት፣ ዘርዓይና ገመቺሣ፣ ዘርትሁንና ጎይቶም፣ ቦጋለና ትብለፅ ያፈሯቸው ልጆች እነሜሮን ሣሚ ዳኒ ቲቲ … የጋራ ሀገር ይፈልጋሉ፡፡ በዘርና በጎሣ የተሸነሸነች ሳትሆን እንደጥንት እንደጧቱ የዝውውር ነጻነት ያልተገደበባትና በዘር ምክንያት የመፈናቀል ጣጣ የሌለባትን ኢትዮጵያ ይፈልጋሉ፡፡ አሁን ለተጨማሪ ጊዜ ይህንን ሕዝብ እንዴት ነው ኦሮሚያ ጎጃሚያ ጎንደሪያ ወሎዊያ … እያልን እንደደሮ ሥጋ የምንበልተው? ግፍ አይደለም? ትንሽ ማፈር አለብን፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ እንደፍልስጥኤምና ኮሶቮ አይደለም፤ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ እንደሦርያውያን አጥንት ድረስ የዘለቀ የእርስ በርስ ጥላቻ ላይ ገና አልደረሰም - ይህ እውን እንዲሆን የመሪዎች ጥረት ቢኖርም፡፡ የሕዝብ ለሕዝብ ጠብ የለብንም - የብልህ አመራር እጦት እንጂ፡፡ በፍቅርና በመቻቻል የሚኖር ሕዝብ በዘር እየለዬ በር ሳያንኳኳ በየቤቱ የሚገባን ሌባና ቀጣፊ አይቀበልም፡፡ እርግጥ ነው - ይህንን አብሮነት ለመበጣጠስ ብዙ ቢሞከርም እንደምንም ይዘነው እስካሁን ድረስ ዘልቀናል - አሁን ቆም ብለን ማሰብ ይገባናል፤ ምክንያቱም ነገሮች እንዳሉ የማይቀጥሉበት ሁኔታም አለና፤ ለዚህ ደግሞ ምሁራን ትልቅ ድርሻ አላቸው - ከየቀለሱት የግል ጠባብ ዓለም እየወጡ ሰፊ ሜዳ ላይ ይገናኙ፡፡ በቀናነት ይወያዩ፤ የሚበጀንንም ይወስኑና በጋራ ለጋራ ድል ያነሳሱን፡፡ ዘርና ሃይማኖት ደግሞ በትግሉ ላይ ከፍተኛ አሉታዊ ጫና ስለሚያሳድሩ እነዚህ ልዩነቶች በየትኛውም ሚዲያም ይሁን መድረክ ግዘፍ ነስተው መራገብ የለባቸውም፡፡ የሌሎች ሀገሮች መንግሥታት ሕዝባቸውን አንድ አድርገው ለመግዛት ቀና ደፋ ሲሉ በተገላቢጦሽ የኞች የምንላቸው መሠሪ ልጆቻችን እያለያዩ ሲቀጠቅጡን ኖረዋል፡፡ ሰላምና ፍቅር ጠላታቸው የሆኑ ያህል የሕዝብን ሰላምና መረጋጋት አይወዱም፡፡ የብልጽግናቸውና የሥልጣናቸው እርዝማኔ መሠረት የሕዝብ ስቃይና መከራ ነው ማለት ይቻላል፡፡ እነሱም እኛም ዕድለቢሶች ነን፡፡

ጁሃርን በሚመለከት አንድ ነገር ደግሜ ልናገር - ይህ የደስ ደስ ያለው መልከ ቀና ወጣት ‹እኔ መቼ እንዲህ አልኩ? መች ወጣኝ?...› ሊል ይችላል፡፡ እውነቱን ነው፡፡ እኔ ነኝ በጥራዝ ነጠቃዊ የሥነ ልቦና ‹ዕውቀቴ› ልጁን ያነበብኩት፡፡ የምንደሰትበት እንጂ የምናዝንበት አጋጣሚን ፈጣሪ ያርቅልን እስኪ፡፡

2. ልጅ ተክሌ ወይም ተክለ ሚካኤል ከካናዳ በቅርቡ የጻፈውንና ሌላም ጊዜ የሚጽፈውን ሁሌ እከታተላለሁ፡፡ የእውነትን ክኒን እንዳለች ለመዋጥ እጅግ መራር በመሆኗ ለብዙዎች አስቸጋሪ ናት፡፡ ውሸት ግን አንጎልን ወደተፈለገው አቅጣጫ እየጠመዘዘች ስለምታነሆልል እርሷን ለማዳበልና በቤተሰብነት ለመያዝ የማይጣደፍ የለም፡፡ በተለይ በአሁኑ ዘመን የሀሰት ጓደኞች ሥፍር ቁጥር የላቸውም፤ እውነት እየኮሰመነች ናት - መጨረሻዋ ያማረ ቢሆንም፡፡

ተክሌ ሃሳብን በነጻ የመግለጽ ባህል በዳበረበት የምዕራቡ ዓለም ከአሥር ዓመት በላይ የኖረና እውነትን ተናግሮ ከመሸበት ለማደር የቆረጠ ወጣት ይመስላል (ልደቱን እንዴት እንደወደደው ግን አልገባኝም - ወይም ስለመውደድ አለመውደዱም የተሳሳተ ግንዛቤ ይዤ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡)፡፡ ለሀገራችን ፊት ለፊት የመሞከሻሸት ዞር ሲሉ ግን በሃሜት የመጎሸማመጥ ባህል ይህ የተክሌ ዓይነቱ አካሄድ ታላቅ መፍትሔ ሥራይ ነው፡፡ በቃ - ብዙ ነገሮች ይብቁን፡፡ አየናቸው - ሞከርናቸው - ተጎዳንባቸው እንጂ አልተጠቀምንባቸውም፡፡ ስለዚህ አካፋን አካፋ እንበል፡፡ እናም የእውነትን ዘገር ከያዝን ስለማንም ይሁን ስለምንም የሚሰማንን እንነጋገር፡፡ አነሳሳችን በቀናነት ይሁን እንጂ አለባብሰን መሄድን በመተው ስሜትን በማይጎዱ ቃላት አንገትን በማያስደፉ ውብ አገላለጾች ወዳጅ ዘመድን እንውቀስ፤ እንተች፤ በሳይቃጠል በቅጠል እንተራረም፡፡ እየተሸፋፈነ የሚሄድ ቁስል መጨረሻው ካንሰር ነው፡፡ ‹ጨዋ ሲጋባ የተፋታ ያህል ነው› የሚለውን ብሂል በደንብ እናጢነውና አፍረጥርጠን መነጋገርን እንልመድ፡፡ በጀርባ ከመተማማት በግልጽ ተወያይተን ቅሬታን ማስወገድን ብንለምድ ተጠቃሚዎች እንሆናለን፡፡

በለውጥ ኅልውናም እንመን፡፡ አንድ ሰው ትናንት ሌባ ከነበረ ዛሬ ጨዋ የማይሆንበት ምክንያት የለም፤ ትናንት ወያኔ ከነበረ ዛሬ ፀረ - ወያኔ የማይሆንበት ምክንያት የለም፤ ትናንት ውሸታም ከነበረ ዛሬ እውነት ተናጋሪ የማይሆንበት ምክንያት አይኖርም፤ ዋናው ለውጡ አሳማኝና ትክክለኛ ነው ወይ የሚለው ነው፤ ለውጡ በርግጥ የባሕርይ ለውጥን ያስከትላል ወይ ብለን መፈተሸ ነው ያለብን፤ ያን በጥልቀትና ከተለያዩ አቅጣጫዎች አንጻር መመርመር ይገባናል፡፡ ይህን የምናደርገው መንሸራተት እንዳይኖርና ሠርጎ ገብን ለመከላከል ነው፡፡ ለውጡ ለሥልት ነው ወይንስ ሃቀኛ ነው ብለን እንፈትሽ እንጂ አንድ ለውጥ ስናይ የለውጡ አስፈሪነት እንዳባተተን ወይም እንዳስበረገገን ያህል ድንገት ዱላ እየመዘዝን አናት አናትን መቀጥቀጥ ወይም ብዕር እያወጣን በቃላት እሩምታ ንጹሓንን ድባቅ መምታት ተገቢ አይደለም፡፡ ፀረ ለውጥ ሆነን ትግሎችን ወደኋላ ማስኬድ የነጻነት ጠላት መሆን ነው፡፡ በነገረኛ ብዕርና ፓልቶክም ሰዎችን ከመጠጋታቸው አናባርር፡፡ ብዙ ወገኖቻችን ራሳቸውን ከትግል ያራቁትና እያራቁ የሚገኙት የይሉኝታቢስ ወንድሞቻችንን ይሉኝታቢስና ሚዛን የማይደፋ የስድብና የዘለፋ ዛቻን እየፈሩ እንደሆነ ይነገራልና ከእንግዲህ እነዶኪሾትና እነአያ እንደልቡ ጥንቃቄ ቢያደርጉ ይመረጣል፡፡ ከሁሉም ከሁሉም በቅድመ ሁኔታ ያልታጠረ ቀናነትንና መደማመጥን እንላበስ፤ ከአሉታዊነት ይልቅ አወንታዊነት ጠቃሚ መሆኑን እንገንዘብ፡፡ ለማሰብ ጊዜ ይኑረን፡፡ አንድን ነገር ለማጣራት ጊዜና ትዕግሥት ይኑረን፡፡ በአንድ ቅኝት መጓዝ ከጥቅሙ ጉዳቱ ያመዝናልና ዙሪያ ገባችንን እያየን ራሳችንን በተገቢው መንገድ እናዘምን፡፡ ደግሞም እርስ በርስ በከንቱ አንጠፋፋ፡፡ ለሚያልፍ ዘመን የማያልፍ ትዝብት አናስቀምጥ - እንተማመን ፡-ሕዝቡም ሆነ ታሪክ ሁሉንም ለይቶ ያውቃል፡፡ ማን ለምን ምን እንደሚያደርግ በዚህ ዘመን ለማንም ድብቅ አይደለም፡፡ የ‹ዝምብ ልጃገረድ› በምትታወቅበት ሀገር ውስጥ ዘረኝነት ወይም ይህን መሰል ሌላ ከፋፋይ ሥልት በማታገያነት ለምን ጥቅም ላይ እንደሚውል የማያውቅ ይኖራል ብሎ መገመት ጅልነት ይመስለኛል፡፡ በተጨማሪም ‹እንግዲህ ጀመረው!› ‹አሄሄ… ያ ሰውዬ ያን የነገር ጭቃውን በነእንትና ላይ ሊለጥፍ ተነሣ…› ከመባል ይልቅ በገምቢ አስተያየት ሰጪነት በሰዎች መሃል መወሳት ትልቅ መታደል መሆኑን እንረዳ፡፡…

ስህተትን የማይሠራ የሞተ ብቻ እንደሆነ አምነን ስህተት ከሠራን ያን ስህተት ነቅሶ ለማውጣትና የእርምት እርምጃ ለመውሰድ ማመንታት የለብንም፡፡ ከነባር ሥርዓቶች የወረስናቸውን ፀረ ዴሞክራሲያዊ የትዕቢትና የማንአለብኝነት ባሕርያትን አክ እንትፍ እንበላቸው፡፡ ጎዱን፡፡ አብረውን የሚዘልቁ ከሆነም ገና ብዙ ይጎዱናል፡፡ ትዕቢት ሣጥናኤልን ከክብሩ አውርዶታል፡፡ ትዕቢት ተቆጥረው የማያልቁ ምድራውያን ታላላቅ ሰዎችን ከክብር ሥፍራቸው አዋርዷል፡፡ ዝና ይጠፋል፤ ሀብትም ይበናል፤ ማናቸውም ነገር እንዳለ እንደማይቆይ ተረድተን ትህትናንና መከባበርን መላበስ፣ ትዕቢትን መጠየፍ ይኖርብናል፡፡

ዛሬ ሰዎች የወደዱን ለምንድነው ብለንም እንጠይቅ፡፡ የወደዱን ምክንያት አላቸው፤ ያ ምክንያታቸው ግን ሊጠሉን ሲጀምሩ እየደበዘዘ ይሄድና ለመወደዳችን ያወጣነው ወጪና የተነሳንበት ወረት እንደጤዛ እንደሚረግፍ ዕንወቅ፡፡ ዝናን ማትረፍ ከባድም ቀላልም ነው፡፡ ማቆየቱ ግን ሸክም ነው፡፡  ምክንያቱም አንዳንዴ ክፉ መንፈስ እየገባብን የትዕቢትና የትምክህት ልምሻዎች ይኮደኩዱንና ልባችን በውዳሤ ከንቱ ይማስናል፡፡ ያም ልክ እንደጥንቱ የአፈ ታሪክ ንጉሥ ዕርቃናችንን መሆናችን እስከሚረሳን ድረስ ራሳችን ለራሳችን በምንፈጥረው ዓለም ውስጥ እንዳክራለን - ለተወሰነ ጊዜም በእኛው የዕውር ድንበር ዓለም ውስጥ ሌሎችንም ልናዳክር እንችላለን፡፡ ያኔም እንደገና በተምኔት ከፍ ከፍ እንልና መነሻችንን እንረሳለን - ‹ታሞ የተነሣ ፈጣሪን ረሳ› እንዲሉ ዓይነት፡፡ የምድራችን ትልቁ ችግር እንግዲህ ይህ እዚህ ላይ እያየነው ያለነው ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ ማንንም አላሰብኩም፤ እናንተም ማንንም ሳታስቡ አጠቃላይ እውነታውን ብቻ ተረዱልኝ፡፡

የኢትዮጵያውያን ችግሮች መባቀያ ደግሞ ይሄው ብቻ እስኪመስል ድረስ ሥር ሰድዷል፡፡ የዚህ ሁሉ ወፈ ሰማይ የፖለቲካ ድርጅት ምሥረታ ምሥጢሩ ብዙ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ሀገርን ነጻ ማውጣት ሱቅ በደረቴ ንግድ የመጀመር ያህል ቀላል ይመስል ‹እኔ በእገሌ ድርጅት ሥር ገብቼ የነእገሌ ታዛዥና ተላላኪ ልሆን? እነሱ ደግሞ ብለው ብለው የኔ አለቃ ሊሆኑ? አላውቀውምና ነው…› ከሚል ትዕቢት በመነሣት አዳሜ በውጪም በውስጥም የየራሱን ድርጅት ያቋቁማል - ይህም በትንሹ ከንቱነት ነው - እልፍ ሲልም ድንቁርና ነው፤ ይህ ዓይነቱ ጠባብ ጅማሮ ስንዝር ሳይሄድ ይፈርሳል፡፡ ጨዋታው ፈረሰ ዳቦው ተገመሰ ዓይነት የልጆች ዕቃ ዕቃ ጨዋታ፡፡ … ስለሆነም በማንኛውም ዘርፍ ለሀገር እንታገላለን የምንል ወገኖች ትልቁ ጠላታችን ይሄ ትዕቢት የሚሉት ልብ አሳባጭ የክፉ መንፈስ ውላጅ ነውና መድሓኒቱን ገዝተን ወይም ጠበል ቢጤ አስመጥተን አጠገባችን እናስቀምጥ፡፡ ትዕቢት ራሳችን ላይ መውጣቱ ሲሰማን ወይም ሰዎች ሲጠቁሙን ቶሎ ብለን እንዋጥና ወይም እንጠመቅና እንደወያኔ ብዙ ጥፋት ሳናደርስ እንፈወስ፡፡ አለበለዚያ ይህች ሀገር ለረጂም ጊዜ ትሰቃያለች(ያነበብኩትን ወይም የሰማሁትን የትንሣኤ ዘመን ወሻክቼ ባልተጨበጠ ተስፋ የሰውን ሆድ መቀብተት አልፈለግም እንጂ ሁሉም የክፋት ዘመን እንደሚያበቃ ከነምልክቱ ልጠቁም በወደድኩ ነበር፡፡) ለማንኛውም ትዕቢትና ውድቀት ጓደኛሞች መሆናቸውን እንረዳና መፍትሔ እንፈልግ፡፡

3. በሀገር ቤት የ‹ፀረ ሙስናው ትግል› ተጧጡፏል፡፡ እሰዬው ፣ ይጧጧፍ፡፡ በዚህ ሽኩቻ ውስጥ የተረገዘ ሀገርን የሚጠቅም ነገር ይኖረው ይሆናል፡፡ አለበለዚያማ … ቆይማ ቀጣዩዋን ክስ ባጭሩ እንቃኝ፡፡

ኢየሱስን ጠላቶቹ ሊፈትኑት ፈለጉና አንዲት ሴት ይዘው ወደርሱ በመቅረብ ‹ ኢየሱስ ሆይ፤ ይህቺን ሴት ስታመነዝር አገኘናት፤ በሙሤ ሕግ መሠረት በድንጋይ ተወግራ እንድትሞት ሕጉ ያዝዛል፡፡ አንተስ ምን ትላለህ?› ይሉታል፡፡ ኢየሱስም ‹ከእናንተ ምንም ዓይነት ኃጢኣት ያልሠራ የመጀመሪያውን ድንጋይ ይወርውርባት› ይልና አንገቱን አዘቅዝቆ አፈሩ ላይ ይጫጭር ገባ (ምን እንደጫጫረ እስካሁን አልታወቀም ይባላል፡፡) ቀጥ ሲል ከተከሳሽዋ ሴት በስተቀር ሁሉም አንድ ባንድ ሄደው ማንም የለም፡፡ ‹አንቺ ሴት ከሳሾችሽ ወዴት አሉ?› ብሎ ይጠይቃታል፡፡ ጥለዋት እንደሄዱም ትገልጽለታለች፡፡ … ‹በይ ከአሁን በኋላ ኃጢኣትን አትሥሪ› ብሎም በነጻ ያሰናብታታል፡፡ ከሞት ወደ ሕይወት፣ ከፍርድ ቤት ወደቤት ሄደች እነእስክንድርን የሚያስባቸው ከሰውም ሆነ ከአምላክ ግዛት ጠፋ እንጂ፡፡ በሞራል ትምህርቶች ይህ የክርስቶስ ምሳሌ የሚስተካከለው ያልተገኘ ትልቁ ምሰሶ ነው፡፡ ኃጢኣትን የማይሠራ ማን አለ? ማንም፡፡ ትልቁ መልካም ተስፋ ግና ከኃጢኣት ለመመለስ ያለን የማይገፈፍ መብት ነው፡፡ ይህን መብት ማን ይጠቀምበት? የባከነ መብት! ብዙዎች የናቁት ዘመን የጣለው መብት?

አለበለዚያማ ብዬ ወዳቋረጥኩት ሃሳብ ልመለስ፡፡ አለበለዚያማ ከዝንጀሮ ቆንጆ ተመርጦ አንዱዋ ባሪያ ሌላዋ ሞናሊዛ ሊሆኑ ይቻላቸው ነበርን? እናም የምናውቀውን ሀገራዊ እውነት ስንፈትሸው በወያኔ ሥርዓት ውስጥ ካለሙስና እስትንፋሱ የምትቀጥል አንድም ባለሥልጣን የለም - በየትኛውም መንገድ ይሁን ሙስና ውስጥ መዘፈቁ አይቀርም - በቀጥታም ይሁን በተዛዋሪ፡፡ ሙስና ደግሞ ዓይነቱና መልኩ ብዙ ነው፡፡ ሙስና እንኳንስ በሌሎች መሥሪያ ቤቶች በትምህርት  ተቋማትም ሳይቀር ተንሰራፍቶ የማለፊያ ነጥብን ለማሟላት በዓይነት ከሚቀርብ የንብረትና የወሲብ ጉቦ አንስቶ እስከገንዘብ ድረስ ለመምህራንና ለትምህርት ባለሙያዎች እንደሚሰጥ በስፋት ይነገራል - ከዚህ በላይ የሀገር ሞት የለም፡፡ ሙስና እንኳንስ በዓለማዊ የሥልጣን ቦታዎች በሃይማኖት ተቋማት ሳይቀር የወረርሽኝ ያህል ተስፋፍቶ አነስተኛ ገቢ ካለው ደብር ከፍተኛ ገቢ ወዳለው ደብር ለመዛወር፣ እልቅና ለማግኘት፣ በክህነት አገልግሎት ለመቀጠርና ለአነስተኛ የዝውውር ጥያቄዎች በሺዎች የሚገመት ብር እንደሚከፈል እንሰማለን - ከዚህ በላይ የሞራል ዝቅጠት የለም፡፡ ሙስና በቤተ መንግሥት ይቅርና በገዳማትና በአብያተ ክርስቲያን ሳይቀር የዘመኑ ፋሽን በሆነበት ሁኔታ ድንገት ተነስቶ እገሌንና እገሊትን ማሠር ከጎኑ ሌላ የቦካ ቂም መኖሩን ከማመልከት ባሻገር እንዲያም ሲል በቧልታይ ድንቃይ የልጆች ኮሜዲነት ከማሣቅ በተጓዳኝ ሌላ የሚሰጠው ትርጉምም ሆነ ሀገራዊ ፋይዳ የለውም፡፡ እንትን ላይ ተቀምጦ እንትን ገማኝ አይባልም፡፡ ያለሙስና የሚንቀሳቀስ የመንግሥት ባለሥልጣን አለ ማለት መኖር ያቆመ ባህታዊ ሕዝብንና ሀገርን በቅንነት ለማገልገል ቆሎና ደረቅ ዳቦ እየቀመሰ በመንግሥት ሥራ ላይ ተሰማርቷል ማለት ነው፡፡ የፀረ ሙስና ኮሚሽን በተቋቋመ ማግሥት ቢሮውን በቁሣቁሶች ለማሟላት ገበያ የወጣው የግዢ ሠራተኛ ራሱ በሙስና እንደተያዘ በወቅቱ ሰምተናል፡፡ ሙስና የጊዜያችን የኑሮ ማጣፈጫ ቅመም ነው፡፡ ማንም ያለርሱ አይኖርም፡፡ እንኳን ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ አሜሪካና አውሮፓም ውስጥ ሙስናን ዝምቡን እሽ የሚለው የለም፤ ተንቀባርሮ ይኖራል፡፡ ታየኝ እኮ ‹የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ባለሥልጣናቱን በሙስና ወንጀል ጠርጥሮ አሠረ!› ሲባልና ሲነገር - ወግ ነው ሲዳሩ ማልቀስ፡፡ እንዲያው ጥቂት አያፍሩም ጎበዝ?! የሙስና እናት ባለችበት ሀገር እንዲህ መደረጉ ሕዝብን መናቅ ይመስለኛል፡፡ 80 ሚሊዮኑን ሕዝብ እንደምን ቢቆጥሩት ይሆን? ወይ ጊዜ!

4. የኑሮ ውድነቱ ሕዝቡን እየጨረሰው ነው፡፡ የዕቃዎች ዋጋ በየቀኑ እየጨመረ ብዙ ሰው በሚለብሰው ሳይሆን ቀምሶት በሚያድረው ወይ በሚውለው መጨነቅ ከያዘ ቆዬን፡፡ በተቃራኒው ወደወያኔው ጉያ የተሸጎጡ በርካታ ዜጎች በተለይ በአሥራዎቹና በሃያዎቹ የሚገኙ ገና በቅጡ ያልባለቁ ወጣቶች ገንዘቡን እንዴት እንደሚያገኙት በማይታወቅ ሁኔታ ሌት ከቀን ሲምነሸነሹ ይታያሉ፡፡

ዊስኪና ድራፍት ቤቶች፣ ሥጋ ቤቶችና ሌሎች ንግድ ቤቶች ገዢ አጥተው አይከስሩም፡፡ የወያኔዎቹ ልጆች ብዙዎቹ ትምህርት ስለማይገባቸው አቋርጠው ሌት ከቀን ጭፈራ ላይ ናቸው፤ ከወያኔዎቹ በርካታዎቹ ትምህርት ዋጋ አለው ብለው ራሳቸው ስለማያምኑ በልጆቻቸው ስም በሚሊዮን የሚቆጠር ገንዘብ በባንክ እያስቀመጡላቸው ለአካለ መጠን እስኪደርሱላቸው በዱርይነት ተሠማርተው እንዲኖሩ ፈቃደኞች የሆኑ ይመስላሉ - የ14 እና 15 ዓመት ዕድሜ የወያኔ ኩታራ ልዩ ኢግዝኪዩቲቭ መኪና ይዞ ሃሽሽና ሲጋራ እየማገ በጭፈራ ቤት ሲደንስ እንደሚያድር እሰማለሁ - በዚህ ዙሪያ ራሴ የማውቃቸው ብዙ ጉዳዮችም አሉኝ፡፡ (ውድ ኢየሩሳሌም አርአያ፡- ስለነበረከትና ሰዓረ ልጆች፣ ስለአምባሳደር ጎይቶምና ስለሌሎቹም ዋልጌ ልጆች እየተከታተልክ ብትጽፍልን ልጠቁምህ፡፡)

እርግጥ ነው ብዙዎቹ ወያኔዎች ትዳራቸው የፈረሰና በሞራላዊ ሕይወታቸው ከላይ እስከታች የተበሳበሱ በመሆናቸው ለልጅ አስተዳደግም እንደዚሁ ተገቢውን ቦታ የሚሰጡ አይደሉም፡፡ በዚያም ምክንያት ይመስላል የሕዝብ እርግማን ተጨምሮበት ልጅ እንዳይወጣላቸውና እነሱም ሽንታቸውም ባክነው እየቀሩ የሚገኙት፡፡ ሚስቱን ያልቀየረ ነባር ታጋይ ማግኘት ይከብዳል ይባላል፡፡ አሮጊቶቹን እየጣሉ ሕጻናትን ማግባትና በየቦታው ቅምጥ ማስቀመጥ በነሱ ዘንድ የተለመደ ነው፡፡ ለልጆቻው ገንዘብን ለማውረስ ባንኮችን በብር ከማጨናነቅ ውጪ ለአብራካቻው ክፋዮች የሚሆን ፍቅር

የላቸውም ይባላል፡፡ እነሱም ልጆቻቸውም ያልታደሉ፡፡

በአሁኑ ወቅት ልጆቻቸው የሚይዙት መኪና ሌላ ነው - የሚመነዝሩት ረብጣ ረብጣውን ነው፡፡ ሴት ሲያሳድዱ ደግሞ አባቶቻቸውን ያስንቃሉ፡፡ እንደሸሚዝ ነው የሚለዋውጡ ይባልላቸዋል - ዱሮውንስ ያልዘሩት መች ይበቅላል? የወያኔ ቡችሎችና ተለጣፊዎች የሚያሽቃንጡባቸው ተሸከርካሪዎችም ልዩና ውድ ናቸው - የባሕርይ ምስስላቸውም እንከን አይወጣለትም፡፡ ዋጋቸው በብዙ መቶ ሺዎች ምናልባትም በሚሊዮኖች የኢትዮጵያ ብር የሚገመቱ መኪናዎች ሲርመሰመሱ ለማየት ከአውሮፓና አሜሪካ ወደ ኢትዮጵያ መምጣት ሳያስፈልግ አይቀርም፤ ለአንድ ሺህ ሰው ሦስት መኪናዎች ብቻ በሚሰላባት ሀገር ውስጥ እነዚሁ ጥቂት መኪኖች ባብዛኛው የተያዙት በወያኔ ጭፍራዎችና መንግሥታዊና ግላዊ ድርጅቶች ነው፡፡ ሀገራችን የለየላት የዕንቆቅልሽ ምድር ሆናለች፡፡ አንዱ የሚቀምሰው አጥቶ በጠኔ ሲያጣጥር ታያለህ - አንዱ ጥጋት ላይ፡፡ ሌላው ሐመርን በመሳሰሉ ዘመናዊ መኪናዎች እየተንፈላሰሰ በሺዎች በሚቆጠር ብርና ዶላር የሌሊት ክበባትን ሲያደምቅ ታያለህ - በሌላው ጥጋት፡፡ በአንድ እጅ ጣቶች የሚቆጠሩ የጥቂት ሺህ ብር ደመወዝተኛ ባለሥልጣናት ትላልቅ ሆቴሎች ውስጥ ገብተው በቁርጥና በዊስኪ ሲዝናኑና ለአንድ ጊዜ የመገባበዣ ክፍያ የሦስትና የአራት ወር ደሞዛቸውን ድምር ሒሳብ ከፍለው ሲወጡ የምታየው ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ነው፡፡ በዚህ አግራሞትህ ላይ ሌላ አግራሞትን እንድትደርብበት ያህል - እነዚሁ ባለሥልጣናት በማታው የቴሌቪዥን ዜና ላይ በሃሳብ ያልተስማሙዋቸውን ሌሎች ባለሥልጣናትን በሙስና ማሰራቸውን የምትሰማውና በለበጣ የምትስቀው እዚህችው ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ነው፡፡ ለጉድ የፈጠራት የደም ምድር አትልም? ቃየሎች በአቤሎች ላይ የሰለጠኑባት አስገራሚ ኢትዮጵያ!

የዱሮና ዘንድሮን ልዩነት በቃላት እንኳን ለመግለጽ እየከበደን ነው፡፡ የዐርባ ብር ደሞዝተኛ ዱሮ ቤት መሥራት ይችል ነበር፡፡ የአራት ሺህ ብር ደሞዝተኛ ዛሬ ቤት ተከራይቶ እንኳ መኖር ይከብደዋል፡፡ ዛሬ መቶ ሊትር ቤንዚን በሚቀዳበት ገንዘብ ዱሮ ሁለትና ሦስት አሮጌ መኪና ይገዛበት ነበር፡፡ የዛሬ የአንድ ኩንታል ጤፍ ዋጋ ዱሮ ወደ 60 ኩንታል ገደማ ይገዛበት ነበር፡፡ ዘንድሮ ለሐኪም ቤት ካርድ ማውጫ ብቻ የምትከፍለው ገንዘብ ዱሮ መላ ቤተሰብህን ሊያሳክም የሚችል ነበር፡፡ ዱሮ በስሙኒ የምትገዛው 12 ዕንቁላሎች የሚመረቁልህ ሙክት ዶሮ ዛሬ ከነዕንቁላቹ (200 ሲደመር 36) 236 ብር ደርሷል - ነገ ደግሞ ከዚህ ሊያጥፍም ይችላል፡፡ ዘንድሮ ቤትህን ለማደስ የምታወጣው አሥር ሺህ ብር ዱሮ አሥር አነስተኛ ቪላዎችን ሊያሠራህ ይችል ነበር፡፡ በሞራልም፣ በሃማኖትም፣ በሥነ ምግባርም… በሁሉም ዘርፍ ብትቃኝ የደረስንበት የኪሣራ መጠን በምንም ዓይነት ምድራዊ መሣሪያ ሊለካ የማይችልና ለማንሰራራትም ከተዓምር በታች በመፍትሔነት የማይታሰብበት አሳሳቢ ወቅት ላይ እንገኛለን፡፡ በቃኝ፡፡

የርዕሶምን ያን ሕይወት አለምላሚ ዘፈን እባካችሁን ላኩልኝ፡፡

Yinegale3@gmail.com

The TPLF developmental state theory never much in reality

TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) who afraid neoliberal idea, because has no clue as capitalism is a mean of development, job creation, increase competitiveness, encourage entrepreneurship. They choose developmental state theory for Ethiopia economic development, and use it for their own enrichment.

Chamber Johnson, the driver of developmental state defined the idea as “a state that focused a leadership ruthlessly committed to a national development (and not to partial interests or its own enrichment)” (Allen & Thomas, 2000).  The extremely corrupt TPLF leadership government in Ethiopia not only attempted to apply the theory and failed, but also from the beginning they are agents for the collapse of Ethiopia. Shortly after they took power through guerrilla war in 1991, before they get legitimate to represent the will and desires of the nation they facilitates Eritrean independence achievement (Meles letter to UN, 1991 ) and make Ethiopia Land locked.

Jeffry Sacks, an architect of the Millennium Development Goals reminded us how land locked states in general face the worst problem in economic development (Harrison & Huntington, 2000). This was another problem to face Ethiopia, the country which was remained largely separated from the world economy, and ruled by archaic monarchy and dictator Derge regime who failed to respond adequately to the national question in Ethiopia (Allen & Thomas, 2000). Because of failed to build institution to initiate development in the country, peoples grass root movement and political parties activities led to the down fall of the archaic monarchy and dictator Derg. Unlucky the TPLF lead government EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) took power in 1991 and got praise as a good leader who can trust to bring development and democracy in land locked Ethiopia through ethnic federalism model.

After the toppling of the Derg regime and the gaining of power by the EPRDF, the new regime was viewed with mixed feeling by the donor community. While few lamented the fail of Mengistu, there were apprehensions as to the new regime; with a background from a dawn-out guerrilla war, which until recently had espoused an explicit Marxist doctrine. On the other hand Meles was also perceived as belonging to a new breed of African leader (Borchgrevink , 2008)

Donor relation with corrupt TPLF largely connects Ethiopia with world economy. For example, after the establishment of TPLF lead government in Ethiopia World Bank approved a large emergency and reconstruction fund (Borchgrevink, 2008). Other follows on different motivation, my host country Norway and the other Nordic countries inspired by their welfare state “where the goal was to improve condition for poor and resource-weak groups in their own population” (Martinussen & Pedersen, 2005). But as I learned from the discussion between Norwegian politician and Ethiopian diasporas on Ethiopian development week here in Norway, donors seem to have weak to influence the TPLF regime to achieve their motivation. The regime used the aid money to do crime with humanity, to its own enrichment, and support political repression (the human right watch, 2010).

An article from The Economic shows how clear TPLF use developmental state theory to achieve their own and loyalist enrichment. The article says to do business in Ethiopia you should be TPLF loyalist, “about 80% of supposedly private business conglomerates controlled by state loyalists, the late prime minister wife runs the main one EFFORT, which dabbles in everything from banking and to metal, travel and cement all without public scrutiny” (The Economist, March 2013). This was the theory propose by late prime minster Meles for all Africa development, in his unpublished masters dissertation, titled ‘African Development: Dead Ends and New Beginning`, and now they want fake us to  defended the theory by arrest corrupt ministers which are not loyal to the TPLF regime in Ethiopia  (Reuters, May, 201)

Our determination to fight the TPLF junta must continue by any means available like opposition to the Development Fund’s cooperation with the dictatorial ethnic regime in Ethiopia (The task force of Ethiopian for democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, May 2013). We should argue and tell donors is not simply because the obstinate character of the EPRDF regime, but  primarily because they have seen incapable of applying consistent and coherent policies  to take note on human rights, democracy , and rule of law first before economic development in their so called cooperation with TPLF tyrant in Ethiopia (Borchgrevink , 2008). For Peter Gitmark, a member of the main political opposition in Norway, human rights come first before development process. He said that there is wrong doing in Ethiopia since the crackdown of opposition in the aftermath of the 2005 election, he wants to see a tougher line from the Norwegian authorities (Utviklingsfondet, May 2013). Not only donors, Medhane Tadesse, an academic specializing in conflicts in the Horn of Africa who also acts as an adviser to the Ethiopian foreign ministry, admitted that, `there is a need for political reforms both to meet the democratic aspirations of the Ethiopian people, achieve political stability as well as the revitalize the much needed developmental state model` (Tadesse, October 2012).

These all show TPLF developmental state theory never much in reality, they failed to apply the theory, and instead they use it to repressed Ethiopian people.  We are in the right direction to fight the TPLF tyrant regime, we should continue what we are doing, and then nothing stops us to free our country from TPLF tyrant.

To reach me habtamu_a@yahoo.com

Reference

Allen, T. & Thomas, T., 2000. Poverty and Development into the 21st century.

Borchgrevink, A. 2008.  Ethiopia, Aid and conditionality. Editorial, Forum for Development Studies, (2.08)
Harrison, L.F. & Huntington, S.P. 200. Culture matters: how values shape human progress.

Human Right Watch, 2010.  Ethiopia: Donor Aid Supports Repression.http://www.hrw.org/news/2010/10/18/ethiopia-donor-aid-supports-repression

Martinussen, J.D. & Pedersen, P.E. 2005. Aid- Understanding International Development Cooperation

Meles Zenawi. 1991.  Meles’s letter to UN http://welkait.com/?page_id=137

Reuters, May, 2013. Ethiopia arrests minister, 11 others over corruption. http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/05/11/us-ethiopia-corruption-idUSBRE94A09C20130511

Tadesse, M., October 2012. Melese Zenawi and the Ethiopian State.http://www.currentanalyst.com/index.php/security-assessment/179-meles-zenawi-and-the-ethiopian-state

The Economist, March 2013. Ethiopia and Kenya: Doing it my way

http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21572379-ideological-competition-between-two-diametrically-opposed-economic-models-doing-it-my

LESSON FROM MAY 15, 2005 ELECTION

Mankelklot H. Selassie (PhD)

For the opposition political parties in the field one of its lethal weapons for replacing the regime to eradicate poverty is the use of ballots. Ballots symbolize guns and bullets in the hands of the army, the society. It is a given fact that the responsibility to eradicate poverty, completely, resting on the shoulders of the political parties particularly those in the field. They are in commanding and credible position to give flesh, blood, and soul, that is, to concretize the social, political, and economic misery hopelessly hovering over Ethiopian people. There are three alternatives that can be used individually and in combinations, in their hands to get rid of these problems once for all. With the absence of Meles Zenawi for good, there is an optimum opportunity to do it this time around and change the course of history. Inevitably there are sacrifices to be paid.

One of the alternatives, the very handy one, is the use of election; the second one is the use of uprising. And the third one is, assuming that whoever is doing it is part and parcel of the society, the use of coup d’état. All of them require meticulous and intensive preparation, specifically on the part of the opposition forces in the field. The society, as always, as they have shown in election 2005 and 2010, are ready to actively participate if and when provided leadership. The society never failed to discharge its share of responsibility. Given these ripe political and social environment, it is totally wrong particularly on the part of the political parties in the field to agitate for not to participate in the coming 2015 election. To agitate for not participating in the coming general election is, particularly where, a) the TPLF leadership and the regime in general is in political crisis, and b) where there is an opportunity for politically perceptive political leadership, to indirectly campaigning in favour of the survival of the regime. It is, directly or indirectly facilitating the regime’s survival conspiracy while damaging the society‘s interests, which are, to begin with, food, shelter and clothing. Therefore, the right thing to do, and the timely thing to do, is to vigorously campaign for the election to take place. At the same time, however, this is an important component of the campaign, to vigorously rouse the society to come out in mass as they did before and elect the opposition political parties, for which I will offer specific suggestions. As I was strongly in favour of 2005 and 2010 elections, here too, I am strongly suggesting participating in the general election of 2015. Hence the topic is, “Lessons from May 15, 2005 Election.”

The campaign has to start seriously with the exposure of what is vividly stated in TPLF’s political program, the revolutionary democracy. It must be uncompromisingly exposed to the people of Ethiopia, and to the governmental and non governmental international organization. Let them know the games TPLF leadership is preparing to play in the coming general election. They have to be told to actively involve themselves that the coming general election of 2015 is properly and fairly conducted. They are the ones who built this regime to reach to the level it has reached today, both politically and economically. Here is what, the TPLF program states: …. only by winning the elections successively and holding power without let up can we securely establish the hegemony of Revolutionary Democracy. If we lose in the elections even once, we will encounter a great danger. So, in order to permanently establish this hegemony, we should win in the initial elections …. In the subsequent elections, too, we should be able to win without interruption. The stealing of the election results of both 2005 and 2010 are embedded in it. This kind of built in mind-set must be attacked vehemently from the start. To let it take its destructive course unchallenged is wrong and unforgivable. It is tantamount to encouraging the TPLF leadership to implement it again. One can boldly say that the divisive Meles Zenwi, who was the brain and the mouth of TPLF and the regime, composed this particular content of the program. Whether the current TPLF leadership, which is in political crisis, in the absence of Meles Zenawi, would follow this to the letter or not remains to be seen during the process of the campaign, and, how the opposition political parties would be dealing with it. The bottom line is, irrespective of what the TPLF leadership would do or not do, this dictatorial position indicated above aught to be exposed fast and now, and dismantled by the opposition political parties who are preparing to participate in the election of 2015. In my opinion it is the key to winning or losing the election. It is not a simple issue to let it go unnoticed.

Therefore, the political parties in the field have to challenge it vehemently and meet the need of the current demand of the society by systematically planning with equally ruthless and decisive activities where the society at every level would be fully involved. The society is ready. The effect of the intensive campaign done during the elections of 2005 and 2010 is still intact. Teachers and students, elements widely distributed from corner to corner of the country, could be decisively effective instruments to retool the society with the current political situations. It is just retooling. The potential is there. To suggest useful methods to be applied, and to boost the preparation of the opposition parties in the field for the 2015 election I will point out three lessons, here after called activities, to be implemented from the election of May 15, 2005, namely: a) formation of a coalition (Kinijit), b) disciplined organizational activities, and c) disciplined participation of the society.

What are the Lessons to be replicated?

By systematically implementing the three activities that would be discussed below, the then opposition political organization were able to bring out over 26 million people to use their ballots that completely destroyed Meles Zenawi and his regime. Mass participation is very critical. I will offer the edited version of the three activities from my article of September 17, 2008, WHY THE STRUGGLE FAILED. The three activities were successful up to the date of May 15, 2005, the Election Day. My humble suggestion to the opposition political organizations in the field is to replicate the three activities in the coming general election of 2015. In addition to prepare it to challenge the regime if and when it stole the election results again. This part of the process, the challenging part, if and when needed, is going beyond the finishing line. It is stepping across the marked line.

1. Forming a coalition (Kinijit)

In 2005, the formation of the coalition undoubtedly stream lined and put in motion the process of the struggle for the victory of May 15, 2005. The four political parties formed a coalition strictly based on the strategy to beat Meles Zenawi and guarantee the coalition to win at every level of the contest. Here is part of the strategy that can be replicated by the current opposition political parties in the field that was established before going into the election. The four parties, namely AEUP, EDP-Medhin, Kestedemena and EDL, formed a coalition called Kinijit. They decided to field only one representative against Melese’s one representative at each election Kebele. Instead of two or more representatives of the opposition parties competing against one of Meles’s, they decided to choose from among themselves the strongest one that is capable to beat Meles’s representative, to represent Kinijit. Hence the distinguishing names, AEUP/Kinijit, EDP-Medhin/Kinijit, Kestedemena/ Kinijit and EDL/Kinijit. Note that Kinijit is the common denominator. This was the strategy that effectively dealt a blow on Meles Zenawi. Without this strategic setup, the election of May 15, 2005 might have not been successful. In my opinion, this is an experimentally proven model to be replicated in the coming general election of 2015 by the political parties in the field.

2. Well disciplined organizational activities of each member organization. These disciplined organizational activities, that were already in the process of becoming visible, is the sum of: a) a strong, dedicated and disciplined leadership; b) strong, dedicated and well disciplined cadres or member-activists; c) well and effective in organizing their time, their energy, and their resources; d) an extensive reach out that effectively produced numerous offices and supportive Kebele community in the network. This aspect of the preparation is an extremely important component for the election of May 15, 2005 to succeed. And, e) well established organizational structure, that showed the command and solid hierarchical structure. For the current opposition political parties in the field to succeed in the coming general election of 2015, they are encouraged as much as possible; in fact it is a must, to adopt what was done before and during the election of May 15, 2005 by the then opposition political parties.

That was exactly what the opposition political parties did in the election of May 23, 2010 too. Except in here, in my opinion, it was a process that showed political maturity on the part of the opposition political parties. They went through negotiations and compromises that gave the chance to open up a crack. A window of opportunity has to field their armies, the society. The opposition political parties effectively utilized this window of opportunity, the crack. Once the people got the chance to use their ballots, it was a forgone conclusion for Meles and his regime to be beaten. That was exactly what took place. The people did their job. But Meles stole the election again. It implemented what it stated in its political program. Now too, in the coming general election of 2015, it is guaranteed, that, with an intensive agitation and campaign, the people will come out in mass and beat the regime again. The people will do its share. But unfortunately, every time the election was held the leadership of the opposition political parties do not persist to pass the finishing line and grab the victory. Passing the finishing line is the point where the transference of power from the regime to the people takes place. Unfortunately, they turned their back and left the field, before crossing the finishing line, while the people were openly demanding for their right to be protected and defended. They cried, for no avail, for not letting their votes to be stolen. Here is a very sad consequence of their actions. The turning back by the leadership without completing the race exposed those progressive and aggressive activists and cadres who did their best to motivate the society to come out and vote, to be harassed, to be denied the social services they were entitled to, to be banished, and to be tortured by the regime‘s cadres. It was a very shameful act on the part of the opposition political leaderships. They did have an input for such horrible treatments the cadres and the activists received in the hands of Meles‘s cadres. They should have apologized for what they did to the activists. I sincerely hope the current opposition political parties in the field will stand on its two feet to resist and challenge the regime and defend and protect the democratic rights of the society. The people, as always, are there to line up behind them.

3. Well disciplined participation of the society.

To have a turn out of about 26 million of absolutely determined voters by resisting adverse natural elements, by heroically and effectively resisting banishment, torture, even after witnessing the killing of compatriots by Meles Zenawi’s ruthless security forces is simply phenomenal. The Ethiopian people have clearly demonstrated how inherently disciplined and determined they are, inherent characteristics that can be harnessed, if and when, determined and disciplined leadership showed up. There are two points to be observed here. One of them is the dedication, and, the effectively hands-on involvement of the then opposition political parties particularly at the grass roots level. These superior efforts on the part of the leadership and the activists in the field of the opposition political organizations cannot be denied, which was the first phase of the election. The second phase is what they did when the election was stolen. The second point to be observed is the built in resiliency and the perceptiveness of the people of Ethiopia. But, unfortunately, they were repeatedly abandoned by the leaders of the opposition political leaders, after investing so much time and energy, right after the day of the election of May 15, 2005 which is the second phase of the election. It is a very important lesson that the existing opposition political leaders in the field should take note of. It appears that a culture of non persistence and not finishing the race type of attitude, laziness, if you will, are being cultivated in the Ethiopian political system of struggle. It is dangerous. It should be exposed, condemned, pulled out and removed from its root for good. I think it is not a simple issue to be ignored.

I strongly argue that, it is absolutely a must to apply the above three activities to win the coming general election of 2015. If those in the field participate in the coming general election 2015 by implementing the above three activities indicated, they will win. There is no question about it. The question is, will the current political leaders leave the harvest in the field as it was done by previous political leaders or complete the process by empowering the people at any cost? Note that this is the second phase of the election which is very critical. Therefore, the follow up question to be answered is that, what if the leadership of TPLF refuses to accept the result of the election as it did in the election of May 15, 2005, as well as in election 2010? It can steal the votes and boldly declare that it is the winner as it exactly did with the election results of May 15, 2005. Here is an internationally recognized confirmation of its stealing, to show its propensity to steal, if needed:

“No pragmatic strategy can justify the United States backing a regime that STOLE the last election and has brutalized their own people and will, at some point, disintegrate from its own corruption and incompetent ways.” Honourable Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) March 14, 2006. (It appears the prophesy of Rep. Dana Rohrabacher (R-CA) is in the process of being fulfilled.)

I will adopt here the analysis I used in my article of May 29, 2010, What if Meles Rejects the Results of the Election? Here is the adoption: The defining question for the current political parties in the field is then, a) given the inevitability of winning this coming general election of 2015 by the people of Ethiopia, and, b) assuming the determination of the regime to reject the result of the coming general election of 2015, are the competing opposition parties prepared and determined to challenge it by applying democratic means, say uprising, until the regime accepts its lose and submit to the democratic reality? Given the existence of ripe environment for winning the election, to postpone or boycott the general election of 2015, instead of determining to win and prepare oneself for it, at any cost, is tantamount to committing a crime of historic proportion against the people of Ethiopia. The beginning and the end of the election should not be measured on the basis of the lack of the gut and the lack of determination on the part of the opposition political parties in the field. Nor should it be measured on ones organizational internal weakness. It should be measured on the basis of whether the people are ready; all the way, to defend its right provided it gets gutsy and determined leaders to lead it. For a cut throat type of struggle the people of Ethiopian are engaged in, any available crack, small or big, should be latched on to it and taken advantage of. Therefore it is a must for the leadership of the opposition political leadership to organize and prepare itself to fit into the mould of the people. Amazingly the reverse is taking place in Ethiopia. It is not the political leaders who are providing the mould it is the people who is providing it. When people come out in mass and vote; when people demand for its democratic right, its vote, to be protected, then it is providing the mould to be fitted by the political parties.

Here comes a thought provoking opinion of mine which I believe will help the system of political struggle in Ethiopia. I want to link this general election of 2015 in particular, in fact, any future comprehensive political activities in general to simple, and humble, human to human relationship based activities, in addition to emotional and organic attachment. I want to weave this strictly based on human to human, with no hierarchical relationship attached to it, into the political system of struggle. That is, activities are organized and implemented humanely. Not from a position of authority, a kind of an already established top-down process. Not from a position of here I am to teach you kind of thing. That is, humans talking to humans on equal basis. Not political leaders or activists or cadres talking to human beings as political leaders or activists or cadres. Considering that both are on the same level where one would not think about ones political leadership; where one would not think about ones political status; where one would not think, primarily, about ones organizational interests or powers. Almost always, at least subliminally, this last one is the driving force of political organizations, or political leaders, or, cadres. They completely forget or ignore the interests of the people so routinely talked about in meetings, in press releases, and in political commentaries. When the primary concern is the interests and aspirations of the people, when one succeeds on this laid down fundamental principle, the interests of the political organizations, which are political power, will be fulfilled by the people whose interests are also fulfilled in the process. It is automatic. So, I want to link these basic human being tendencies to the coming general election of 2015. Based on this premise then, I would like to put forward a challenging question, Do People Matter Any More and weave it into the present and the future political activities to be applied by the opposition political parties and the civic organizations?

So Do People Matter any More?

The challenges are, are we emotionally and organically attached and linked to the people that we talk about routinely? How is this organic and emotional linkage manifested in our daily political activities? Are we thinkers of People first, no matter what? Are the press releases made, the political commentaries made, the public meetings organized, made in complete commitment to, and, the people in mind? Or, are these political activities simply and routinely made, because they have to be done to manifest our existence? That is to say, we are alive and kicking. The question is to those structurally organized groups, be they civic organizations or political parties, be they in Diaspora or inside Ethiopia. If people matter, that is, if the concern is what happened to them, what is happening to them right now, and what will happen to them in the near future, then, given the current political opportunity, negotiation and compromise should be the key to open up the window of opportunity, a crack, to be used. In such favourable political environment any size of a crack should be taken advantage of. That is disarming and humbling oneself for the sake of eradicating poverty, for the good of the society, and for the sake of economic security for the current generations and the generations to come.

Do people matter to the leadership of TPLF?

The answer is no. Let alone the people, it hates the name Ethiopia itself. The hatred would be intense when Ethiopia is attached to anything. For example the Ethiopian people. The Ethiopian flag. The leadership of TPLF have tried to diminish the honoured symbolic representation of the flag including defacing it. For how long did the leadership of TPLF refused to say the word Ethiopia? These are the people who robbed churches, killed priests, sold human bodies for profit, capitalized on famine to make money, all these done on the people of Tigry. They considered the Tigry people something else not human beings. Even though they are trying their level best to make up for it, history will and cannot forget it. It is the legacy of Meles Zenawi and his group. Let them be aware of it.

So it is not surprising for the TPLF leadership not to consider the people of Ethiopia as human beings. It so vehemently detested the people it is supposed to provide full services, it considers them animals, particularly as donkeys that cannot think or rationalize. Donkeys are extremely submissive animals bred to carry loads whenever one wished and wherever one wanted the load to be moved to. It does what its owner wants it to do. The leadership of TPLF believes that it owns the people of Ethiopia as dedicated servants. In fact, with full confidence the people are there to satisfy its voracious political and economic hunger. It was to that effect that Meles Zenawi, from the outset, with his gang, formulated a policy to enslave the Ethiopian people. Implemented it to the letter until his death, It is an undeniable truth. This openly manifested motive of the leadership of TPLF has to be removed surgically. Here the bottom line argument is that people did not matter then before the death of Meles, and, it does not matter now after the death of Meles Zenawi. The mystified word (slogan), development (LIMAT) that one reads and hears all over the government information dissemination means, that one reads on T-shirts and caps are covers systematically used to hypnotize the people, without even scratching the existing abject poverty that the people are suffering from. The people are occupied with this empty hypnotic slogan being regurgitated everywhere.

Some Indicators of People do not Matter Anymore

People do not matter any more means they are no more considered as leaving breathing human beings. They are considered animals. I argue that had the leadership of TPLF considered the people of Ethiopia as human beings, hence due concern for its peace and unity--for these two are essential for economic development--at least for its basic shelter, food, clothing and health, it would have not, even thought about it, let alone dividing it along its ethnic and language lines and solidify it by introducing article 39 Which indicates a very hateful and vengeful attitude towards the Ethiopian people. By so doing it created a charged up environment. Instead, it would have totally focused on the poverty issue and how to eradicate it.

The second indicators are, the judicial system, the educational system, the health services, the intelligence (security), the military, the media and the economic policies would have been, from the outset, structured and geared toward fulfilling the interests and aspirations of the society at large. No, the people of Ethiopia are taken by the leadership of TPLF as animals, not human beings capable of thinking and rationalization, it is simply there to serve it. To satisfy its political and economic needs. To effectively and efficiently handle its business empire established, and, embedded in the so called economic system of the country, hence a state within a state, it has to capitalize on this nonhuman being categorization, devoid of feelings and compassion.

The third indicator is the eviction. The eviction of thousands of people with deliberately calculated move shows the non existence of human to human relationship hence the non-existence of feelings and compassion because, the other side is not considered as human beings. Once the premise is established on “not human but animals categorization,” it follows then, what happens to the sick, the elderly, the pregnant, the babies being carried by their mothers, the children, to those who are being uprooted would not be of any concern to the TPLF leadership. The bottom line that one can learn from this eviction process being manifested in Ethiopia, is, that, these human sufferings did not affect an iota the TPLF leadership because the people are considered as animals. Those ethnic parties who are branches of the regime are simply followers who, perhaps still are, with short leashes on their necks. Certainly they were with short leashes before the death of Meles. They were under hypnotic control of Meles Zenawi. His death might have liberated them to a certain extent. Perhaps it is simply a wish on my part.

The fourth indicator is the selling of fertile lands. The rampant selling of the fertile lands to foreign governments under the cover of leasing, a very lucrative money making business, also reflects the lack of human based relationship that should have existed between the people of Ethiopia and the leadership of TPLF, and, by extension, here I want to introduce another factor into the picture, between the civic organizations and the political parties. Because of this relationship the leadership of TPLF could not see the future harmful impact of selling the land on the generations to come. As long as the deal satisfies its immediate political and economic needs it does not care about what would happen to the coming generations and what it would do. The youths of Ethiopia must note this divisive prescription.

Do the Opposition Political and Civic Organizations have Input for the Development of this Characteristics of the TPLF Leadership?

Yes they do. I think it is an important point to note. I strongly argue that, by extension, these destructive deeds and beliefs that took place in Ethiopia by TPLF leadership cover the opposition forcers both inside Ethiopia and outside of Ethiopia. I argue that, simply put, the opposition political parties and the civic organizations were and are considered animals hence donkeys. Why?

For one thing they are part and parcel of the society considered animals. Secondly, because they did not show any type of hands on aggressive resistance by standing on the side of the people treated as animals. They were and still are as submissive as the donkeys. The TPLF leadership knows and feels about it and right now it can do anything it wishes to do and get away with it under the nose of the opposition political and civic organizations.

Isn’t this a fact?

Even though this characterization applies to both who are inside as well as out side of Ethiopia, it more characterizes those inside of Ethiopia for they are there where the action was, and, is still taking place. For example, to cite the most recent one, they did not have the gut to stand on the side of the evicted Ethiopians, a concrete and undeniable issue, by using hands on aggressive and continuous resistance, for example repeated demonstrations at any cost until the issue is settled in favour of the evicted. International organizations, both governmental and not governmental, see this inaction; call it laziness, if you will, on the part of the opposition parties in the field, as a deliberate approval of what the TPLF leadership is doing. The opposition forces, in fact, both inside and outside of Ethiopia would not be free from the condemnation by history.

So, believe it or not, accept it or not, this is the exact relationship between the people of Ethiopia and the leadership of TPLF, on one hand, and between the leadership of TPLF and the leadership of the opposition forces, be they civic organizations or political parties.

If people mattered, that is, the attachment and the link is organic, hence the concern will always be there day and night, then, given the poverty situation of the society, given the degradation of the education system, given the degradation of the health services in the country, the civic organizations and the political parties, both inside and outside of Ethiopia are responsible to do things at its disposal to come to the rescue of the society by crafting effective means and situations. Right now, the opportunity is there to change the course of history. It is undeniable. Please note that, poverty, the degradation of the education system, and, the degradation of the health services will have untold impact on the generations to come. They will, directly or indirectly, stunt and arrest the proper functioning and development, particularly of the children in schools. Imagine a hungry, and unhealthy child in a classroom and the impact of these situations on the mental and psychological development of the child. What picture do you see? If people matter it is also the responsibility of the current young generations, the current youths, for these dysfunctional conditions hovering over the society of Ethiopia to be removed completely.

Mankelklot H. Selassie (PhD)

Keep your eyes on the prize

By Yilma Bekele

We are witnessing a flurry of news from the TPLF party that calls itself the Ethiopian government. Why is the Woyane party so busy and why is the party pushing its cadres to be super active is a good question. That is what Piqued my interest and I was forced to look around to figure out what exactly is happening both in Ethiopia and the Diaspora community to make the illegal regime work overtime.

I did not have to look far to see why the government is acting very nervous. It looks like for a change the progressive forces are on the attack and the reactionary regime is on the defence. Believe me this is a rare occurrence and shows the realignment of forces in our country. I will try to explain why later on but let us look at what is causing this shift. A few weeks back the regime carried out its ‘ethnic cleansing’ activity in the Beneshangul Gumuz Kilil. It was not the first time the TPLF led regime has done this criminal act but what was different this time around was our collective indignation. We were able to carry out a sustained and well organized push back from around the world. The opposition in Ethiopia cooperated by boldly demanding action and tried to collect evidence from the affected areas.

First the hapless regime paraded its toy PM and made him give some half ass explanation and dumped the crimes on their Kilil dog. The fact that the previous ‘ethnic cleansing’ activity was carried out in the South Kilil where the PM originated from was not lost on us. This rehearsed mea culpa did not impress anyone. It was back to the drawing board for the regime. Next In the clueless regime tried to divert our attention by planting rumours about the death of that other tyrant in Zimbabwe. We did not bite. After the failure of that story they again tried to engage us by removing the monument dedicated to our Holy Father Abune Petros. Again we showed our unhappiness but did not take our eyes of the ‘ethnic cleansing’ crime. We were focused and relentless. We were just simply not crying but talking about taking the matter to the International Court of Justice and the UN.

After lots and lots of postponements and dragging the regime brought our political prisoners and decided to hand down their useless justice. We were supposed to drop all other activity and concentrate on Eskinder Nega and Andulalem’s miscarriage of justice. Something odd happened here. We did not follow the script. For the first time we were able to connect the dots and see the whole picture. The progressive forces decided to link ethnic cleansing, Abune Petros and our Political prisoners’ situation as one.

I was waiting for the next drama with heightened anticipation. What would they try now was a common question asked by students of Woyane theatre. Invading Somalia was out of the question since they have already learned their lesson. The deionization of Eritrea was becoming stale. Playing the ethnic card is what brought about the problem in the first place so that was a no go zone. What would the ‘great visionary’ leader do under the circumstances was in the mind of all TPLF cadres in leadership position. They dug deep, travelled back in their criminally laddered history and came up with ‘cannibalism’ as the way out.

So with great fanfare they went about arresting anything anybody they could find. The injustice Minister was hauled away. The guy with dark glasses that sat behind the tyrant in Parliament was arrested. The Revenue and Customs guys were escorted to their won prison with a few selected business people to add flavour to the drama.

I guess all this activity is supposed to impress us. A criminal arresting another criminal is meant to fill our soul with hope for the future. They are so clueless they don’t even know that the news is taken with such amusement that a soccer game between Buna and Georges garners more anticipation than their cheap drama.

Why would anyone think that Melaku Fenta that spineless individual sitting under Gebrewhaid Giorgis is capable of making any decision let alone steal big? Like most sycophants that are serving as the face of their departments Melaku was just another mannequin for show while the TPLF boss under him runs the outfit. That

Game is played all over Ethiopia and in the Embassy’s outside. I bet you cannot find any worthwhile governmental body without a TPLF deputy in charge.

This new drama is meant to keep us guessing what in the world is going on inside the TPLF party. We are supposed to guess which faction is up and who is down. The disinformation campaign by Debretsion keeps manufacturing different versions of their supposedly internal turmoil and some of us love nothing more than being instant experts in the inner workings of the mafia group. To hear some of our people go on the minute details of the party is mind boggling and a testimonial to the hopelessness of a few of our family and friends.

They might have their own differences but do you really think that will stop them from their common goal of staying in power no matter what? Do you for second think they will not close ranks when threatened? Then why in the world are you wasting time and energy whether Azeb is fighting with Berket and if Sebhat is is not in good terms with Seyoum? Now if they really want our attention the best way to do it will be arrest Azeb or Abay Woldu not Sebhat or Seyoum since they already are near death.

The biggest joke of all is the claim that Hailemariam Desalgne was cleaning house. Let us see the PM that was handpicked by the dead tyrant and schooled in the art of servitude to TPLF, the PM that does not have a power base, the same PM that cannot even pick the guards outside his office is exercising authority on TPLF officials? Who would swallow such Mamo Kilo bed time story is a good question. Yes there are a few especially here in the Diasporas that are trying to put some lipstick on this pig of a story.

Some opined ‘EPDRF supporters speaking out’ while others declared ‘EPDRF undergoing profound changes.’ Well, well let see us what is giving these Woyane coddlers new life? What is different today that was not there yesterday is a good question. I read their writings very closely and tried to see what they were basing their new found euphoria on. I wanted to know what arguments they were bringing to the table to see if there was any validity to their conclusions. I couldn’t find any. It is all wishful thinking, self fulfilling prophesy and confused theories that is trying hard to fit a square peg in a round hole. The ones that are trying to see light at the end of the tunnel are the same people that advised wait and see attitude when Woyane conquered our capital and were willing and ready to serve the criminal organization. Their last miscalculation caused twenty years of misery to our people and country and here they are again advising us the presence of a non entity called EPDRF that is supposed to usher a new era of peace and prosperity. Give it a rest gentleman and do not waste our time with your unfounded optimism. Why peddle a worn out theory this late in the game?

I am emboldened by three factors that have been added to the equation of fighting injustice in our dear country. The first and very significant addition to our arsenal of fighting for freedom and democracy is no other than our beloved ESAT. It has given voice to the voice less and opened our eyes to the reality that is what is ailing us. ESAT is the main reason Woyane misinformation campaign is falling on deaf ears. ESAT is the main reason the cry of our people in Ethiopia is getting a hearing. No matter what no sane Ethiopian can ignore the voice of our people coming thru the airwaves loud and clear. The tenacity and diligent reporting by ESAT that refused to fall for Woyane diversion kept the ‘ethnic cleansing’ criminal act in focus and thwarted their attempt to derail us.

The second factor is the gallantry of our Moslem citizens that have against all odds persevered for over a year their quest for freedom and independence. The many attempts to divide and splinter them by the illegal Woyane regime has been repulsed and the Moslem community is still standing together with one voice and one aim of protecting their right to run their religion free of government interference. It is a lesson to the rest of us to keep our eyes on the prize and not to let our organizations be the play ground of Woyane operatives.

The third factor that is emerging from Ethiopia is the beautiful new voice of Semayawi Party that is clear, clean and void of any clutter of the past that has been hindering our forward movement. From what I can observe from afar Semayawi is not encumbered by our past failures, weighed down by unnecessary dogma and geared to act and try newer stuff. That is what the doctor ordered. Why use beige and grey to paint when you can use bright blue and bring warmth to the canvas. The call by semayawi Party to dress in black and show the discontent of our people during African Unions 50th anniversary is a bold and timely call. That is all peaceful resistance is about. It is our duty to follow the advice of the Party and tell our family and friends to cooperate in showing their grief by dressing in black. Those of us that believe in peaceful resistance this is our chance to practice what we preach.

As times go by it is becoming clear that the regime is feeling the loss of the evil person in charge. For over thirty years the prince of darkness Meles Ashebari Zenawi has been the brain and body of the mafia outfit that has been masquerading as a political party. I am willing to give him the credit as the personification of Satan on earth. He has earned the title. His death has left the TPLF party void of someone to fill his shoes no matter how small it is. It is not the absence of idiots or sycophants that is lacking in their midst but they just seem to suffer from the mistrust the evil one has left them with. That deficiency coupled with the emergence of new and daring Ethiopians schooled in the art of confronting the regime head on is what is causing headaches to the downgraded TPLF.

Life is beautiful. Our new found unity and purposeful march to the future is a hard won victory. The fact that it is Woyane in disarray and we are becoming hip to their many attempts to distract us is testimonial to our ability to learn and apply the lesson. There are still many voices that are constantly trying to derail our movement but the fact that we have matured and are able to separate the chaff from the wheat is our new found strength. We are not there yet but with all those strong and tested groups and individuals joining our movement there is no reason to doubt we are bringing the dark days to an end and new bright sun will rise up over our mountains and valleys. Luta continua-the struggle continues.

ያበቃለት ስርአት፤

አንድ ስርአት ሕይውት አለው(alive) ይሠራል(working/Functional) ጥሩ ይንቀሳቀሳል(Vibrant) የሚባለው እንደ ስርአት፤እንደ መንግሥትና እንደ መልካም አስተዳደር ማድረግ የሚገባውን ሲያደርግ ነው። በየትኛውም ቦታና ጊዜ የአንድ መንግሥት አይነተኛ ተግባር፤ለእድገት ለብልጽግና ለሰላም ለደሕንነትና ለለመለመ ተስፋ አስፈላጊውን ሁኔታውች መፍጠር ነው። አንድ መንግሥት እንደ እድገት ደረጃዎቹ በተለያ ጊዜ የተለያዩ የልማት ሥራዎችን መሥራት ቤገባውም፤ሕዝብን ተክቶ በጅምላ ተቆጣጥሮ እራሱ መሥራት አይገባውም ቢሠራም የሚያሰኬድ አይሆንም፤ከግል ጥቅም ባለፈ፤ የተፈለገውንም እድገትና ብልጽግና ለማምጣት አይችልም። ሁሉም ቀና መልካምና ተገቢም የሚሆነው መንግሥት በሞኖፖል ሁሉን በመቆጣጠር ሳይሆን ነጻና ሕዝብን ያሳተፈ የህዝብ ቀዳሚ አለኝታነት ያለው መሰረተ ሰፌ የግንባታ ሥራ ሲሠራ ነው።

አንድ ስርአት ህይወት አለው ለማለት የሚያስችሉ መመዘናዎቹ ምን መሆን አለባቸው የሚለውን ስንመልስ ህያውነቱን ወይም ሙትነቱን ማስቀመጥ እንችላላለን። መኖር ከተባለ ቆሞ የሞተ፤ሕይወት እያለው በድን የሆነ ስርአትም አለ። በቀላሉ መኮፈሱ ሕይወት አለው ለማለት ዋስትና አይሆነውም ለማለት ነው።አንድ ስርአት የሚሠራና ህይወት አለው የሚባለው፦

1. በተለያዩ ዘርፎች የሕዝብን ፍላጎት ሲየሟላ፤

2. የህዝብን መብት ሲያስከብር/ሲያስከብር፤

3. የአገርን፤የህዝብን ደሕንነት ሕልውናና ሰላም ሲያረጋግጥ፤

4. ለእድገትና ብልጽግና አስፈላጊ ሁኔታዎችን ሲፈጥር፤

5. በአጠቃላይ እድገትን ሲያመጣ፤

6. የነገን ተስፋ ሲያለመልም፤

7. የሕዝብን ስነልቡና ስነአእምሮና የሞራል ደሕንነትን ሲንከባከብ ነው።

በአጠቃላይ ለሕዝብም፤ለአገር፤ለትውልድ ይበጃሉ የሚባሉትን መልካም መልካሙን ሲያስብ፤ሲያቅድና ሲደነግግ በተከታታይ በዘላቂነት ሲያስፈጽም፤ሲያግዝና ሲያመቻች አንድ ስርአት ሕይወት አለው ለማለት ይቻላል።

በአሁኑ ጊዜ በአገራችን ያለው ስርአት እነዚህ ከላይ የተዘረዘሩትን ፈጽሟል ለማለት የሚደፍረ ቀርቶ የሚያስብ አለ ለማለት ይቸግራል። ከሕዝብ የቀን ተቀን ፍላጎቶች እስከ መብትና ነጻነቱ፤ከአገር ሕልውናና ዘለቄታ መረጋገጥ እስከ እድገትና ብልጽግና፤ከሰብአዊ መብት መረጋገጥና እስከ ስነልቡና ነጻነት ወዘተ.  አንዱም አሉ ለማለት አይቻልም።

በአንጻሩ የሚታየው-የህዝብ ፍላጎት መሟላት ሳይሆን የኑሮ ማሽቆልቆል፤እድገት አልባነት፤የነገው ተስፋ የተዳፈነበት፤የአገር የሕዝብ ሕልውና አደጋ ላይ የወደቀበት፤የሕዝብ መብትና ነጻነት የታፈነበት፤የህዝብልጆች በአፈና ወደእስር የሚጋዙበት፤አይነተኛው መሰረታዊው የሕዝብ የእድገትና የብልጽግና እጅ የታሰረበት፤ሕዝብ በፍረሀት በጭንቀት፤በውጥረት፤በስጋት የሚኖርበት ሁኔታ ነው።

አነዚህ መመዘኛዎች በአገራችን ያለውን ስርአት ያበቃለት፤የሞተ፤በድን፤ በሙቱ የሚንቀሳቀስ አድርገውታል።ይህን አሌ የሚል በጥቅም የታወረ፤በእምሮው ሳይሆን በሆዱ፤ለሕዝብ ሳይሆን ለራሱ፤ ለአገር ሳይሆን ለግሉ፤ለትውልድ ሳይሆን በእለት ጥቅም የተጠመደና የታወረ አስተሳሰበ ጎደሎ ብቻ ነው። ሚዛን ወርቅንም ጠጠርንም፤ዱቄትንም አፈርንም፤ብረትንም ድንጋይንም--ወዘተ ለመመዘን ይረዳል።

የትላንቱ የቀደመው የስርአት ማብቂያ መመዘኛዎች ዛሬም አይነተኛ መመዘኛዎች ናቸው። በዚሁ ሂደት ስርአቱ አበቃለት ሲባል፦

1. ሕዝብን አገርን መምራት ማስተዳዳር ተስኖታል፤

2. ሕዝብ በነበረው መቀጠል አልፈለገም፤መሮታል ስርአቱን ክዶታል አንቅሮታል ፤ አመቺ ጊዜ ይጠብቃል፤

3. በእነዚህ ምክንያቶች ቀውስ ተፈጥሮአል፤የሕዝብ የመኖርር ተስፋው ጨልሟል አመጽ በያይነቱ ቀጥሏል፤አደጋ አንዣቧል ማለት ነው።

እነዚህ ጊዜ የፈተናቸው አሁንም ወደፊትም የሚያገለግል የመመዘኛ መሳሪያዎች ናቸው።

ሕዝቡ በተግባር የሚያስተባብረውን እስከሚያገኝ ድረስ በልቡ ሸፍቷል፤በስርአቱ ላይ አመኔታ አጥቷል፤ የመገላገያ ጊዜው እየተፋጠነለት መሆኑን ተረድቶ ስነልቡናዊ ዝግጅት እያደረገ እየተጠባበቀ ነው።በዚሁ መጠን ስርአቱ እንደለመደው ዓይኑን በጨው ታጥቦ በዝርፊያው፤በአፈናው፤መማሳሳቱ፤በመዋሸቱ፤ በማስተባበሉ፤በአገር ትውል አውዳሚ ተግባሮቹ አየቀጠለበት ሲነጉድ ይታያል። የተስፋ መቁረጥ ምልክቶች። ከዛሬ ነገ አበቃልን ብቻ ሳይሆን ያመለጠውና በጊዜ የተሳናበታቸው እንዳለ ሆኖ፤አገር ጥሎ ንብረት ጠቅልሎ ቤተሰብ አንጉዶ ለመውጣት የተዘጋጀውም የበረከተ ነው። ከፊሉም የትም ቦታ ቢሄድ የትም፤እስከዛሬ ሲገል ሲያስርና ሲያሳድደው የነበረው ወገን እንደሚጠብቀው አውቆ ስልጣን ሙጥኝ ብሎ መጺአ እድሉን እየተጠባበቀ ነው። የስርአቱ ቀንደኛ አራማጆች፤በስልጣን ላይ ካልሆነ ለመኖር ተስፋ ያጡበትን ሆኔታ ያመላክታል።

ይህ ሆኖ ሳለ አበቃለት፤ሙት ነው፤ደመ ነፍሱን እንጂ በድኗል ሲባል የሚያስነሳው ጥያቄ -አንዴት እስከዛሬ ዘለቀ ነው። ለነገሩማ ስርአቱ ያበቃለት ከበፊቱና በ2005 ነው። ከሞት አፋፍ ደርሶ ሲያጣጥር ማን እስትንፋስ ሰጥቶ ነፍስ እንደዘራለት፤እንዳሰነበተው አሁንም በተለያየ ዘርፍ ንዋይ እያጎረፈ እያጠነከረ እንዳዘለቀው ለሁሉም ግልጽ ነው። ለምን ቢባል ከአገር ጥቅም ይልቅ የባእድ ጥቅም አስከባሪ ስለሆነ፤ እነርሱም ይህን ሲለሚያውቁ፤ከጫካ ጀምረው ያሳደጉት ሚስጥራዊ መረጃዎችን በየጊዜው እስከ አሁን ድረስ የሚመግብ የሚመገብ መሆኑን መጥቀስ ባላስፈለገም ነበር። በዚሁ ሂሳብ ብሔረተኛ አገር ወዳድና ለራስ ጥቅም ያልተገዙ ወገኖች እንዴት ከመጀመሪያው ሲገለሉ እንደቆዩም ሂሳብ ውስጥ መግባትም አለበት። በጅምላ አመለካክት ስርአቱ ሊቀጥል የቻለው፤በሞቱ አለሁ የሚለው በመልካም ሥራው ሳይሆን በአጠቃላይ መልኩ ፦

1. በአፈና፤

2. ሑሉን አውታሮች በጅምላ በመቆጣጠር፤

3. በመከፋፋል፤በማናቆር፤በማጋጨት፤

4. በማደህየት፤

5. እጅ እግር በሌለው በውሸት የፐሮፐጋንዳ ዘመቻ፤

6. በተወካይ የጥቅም አስከባሪነትና፤

7. በተረካቢ እጦት ነው።

ብዙ ሌሎችም ሊጠቀሱ ይችላሉ። እነዚህን የሚጠቀምባቸው ዛሬን የመዋያና የማደሪያ ስልቶቹ ሲሆኑ፤ እላይ እንደተጠቀሰው የተስፋ መቁረጥ፤የዘላቂ ተስፋ ማጣት ምልክቶች እንጆ የመልካም አስተዳደር መሳሬያዎች አይደሉም።

ዘረፋ፤ንዋይ ማሸሽ፤አገርን ላደጋ ማጋለጥ፤የተውልድ ተስፋ ማምከን፤አገርን ማውደም፤መሸጥ አይነኛ የተስፋ መቁረጥ የሞራል ዝቅጠት፤የቂም በቀልና የጥላቻ፤የስግብግብነትና ጭፍንተኝነት ምልክቶች ናቸው።

እንደ እውነቱ ከሆነ፤ስርአቱ ካበቃለት ቆይቷል፤የብድር ጊዜውንም ከጨረሰ አመታት አልፈዋል።ስርአቱ የሞተው፤የሞተው የሞተ ጊዜ ነው። የእከሌ መንግስት እከሌ ሲሞት አብሮ ሞቷል። እንደ እከሌ ሊያስቀጥል የሚችል፤እከሌም እከሌንም የሚመስል ሰንኮፍ የለም።

ነገሩ የቆሰለ አውሬ በቅጡ ማሰብ አይችልም፤ያገኘውን ሁሉ ይነግሳል፤በደመነፍሱ ያለም እንዲሁ፤ የሚያምነው የሌለው ጥላውንም ይፈራል-መልእግቱ ግልጽ ነው። የባስ ብሎም እሳካሁን ሲጠጋግኑት የነበሩትም ወድቆ ዓይናቸው ካላየና ምንም ሊያደርጉ የማይችሉበት ደረጃ ካልደረሱ ፊታቸውን አይመልሱም፤መጠጋገናቸውን በሁሉም መስክ ለስርአቱ መቸራቸውን አያቆሙም፤የታየ ነው።ይህ ሀቅ በቅጡ ግንዛቤ ሊያገኝ ይገባዋል። የስርአቱ ሕልውና ያለው በአብዛኛው እዚህ ላይ ነውና።

ዞሮ ዞሮ ቢደጋገምም አንድ የማይቀር ጉዳይ መጠቀሱ የግድ ነው። ስርአቶስ በግብታዊም ሆነ በተቀናጀ አመጽ ሲያከትም፤የማትቀረዋ ቀን ስትቀርብ ማን ይተካው ነው። በዚያች ወቅት ፖለቲካ እንደወግ ሳይሆን የምር ይሆናለች። ሁሉም ባመቸው በመረጠው በፈቀደው መንገድ ሊታገል መብት አለው። በአይነተኛ የሕዝብን ደሕንነት መብትና ነጻነትን፤የአገርን አንድነትና ሕልውና በተመለከቱ መሰረታዊ ነጥቦች ላይ በመስማማት ለመቀጠል ከሁሉም በላይ አንድንት የሚመረጥ ቢሆንም፤በአንድነት ስም የማያራምድ ለአሠራር ችግር በሚፈጥር በማያንቀሳቅስ ሂደት ከመጠፈር፤በሀሳብ በተግባር መተባበር፤ከሽኩቻ መታቀብ ተገቢና አማራጭም ነው።

ከሰላማዎ መንገድ፤የለመዱትን የመሳሪያ ሐይል ከመረጡላቸው አደጋውን ማሰብ ተገቢ ነው። አንድነት ካለ ቀናቶች ያጥራሉ መከራ ፈተና ይቀላል ዘላቂውም የሰምራል። ግራም ነፈሰ ቀኝ ወቅቱ መተባበርን፤ አንድነትን፤አቅም መገንባትን፤ማቀድን፤ለማያዳግመው መዘገጃጀትን ይጠይቃል። እንደ ዶሮ ጨጩት ከላይ እሰከታች ከፓለቲካ እስከ ሐይማኖት ከማሕበራዊ አስከ----በሰላማዊውና በሁለገብ መስክየተሰማራውን ምርጥ ሓይል ለቅሞ ለእስር ቢዳርግም አገሪቱ በያለት በአገርም በውጭም የሕዝብን ተስፋ ለማለምለም፤ እድገት ብልጽግናን ለማምጣት፤የአገር አንድነትንና ሕልውናን ለማስጠበቅ ለማዝለቅ ብቃት ብስለት ልምድና ችሎታ የሞራልም የበላይነት ያላቸው በርካታ ልጆች አሏት። ለስርአቱ በአፈና የሚወጣው ቢመስለው እንጂ በቀላሉ አገሪቱና ሕዝቡ ንጹህ አሰባሳቢና የአመራር ሰጪ ሰው ሐይል እጥረት የለባትም። ጠቅላላ ሕዝብን ማሰር ደግሞ አይታለምም።

በመጨረሻም ቁምነገሩ እስከዛሬ ሲደከምበት፤ሁሉም በየወቅቱ ሳያሰልስ የታገለው ትግል ፍሬ ማፍራቱ ነው። የሕዝብ ጎራ የድል በለስ ቀናው ማለት ነው። ስርአቱ ተአማኒነቱን ያጣውና የደረሰበት ደረጃ የዘቀጠው በከፊሉ በእራሱ የከፋ ድረጊት ቢሆንም በአመዛኙ ተገቢውን መስዋእትነት ከፍለው በታገሉ የአገሪቱ የክፉና የቁርጥ ቀን ልጆች ነው። በተደረገው ጥረት ስርአቱ እርቃኑን ቀርቷል፤ያለ ቢመስልም አክትሟል ሞቷል፤ደመነፍሱን በሙቱ በበድሉ ይንቀሳቀሳል።

የቀረው የመጨረሻው ግፊት ነው።ሕዝብ በቀላሉ በተቀናጀ መልክ፤ሌሎች አማራጮች እንዳሉ ሆነው፤ በሰላማዊ መንገድ ብቻ ቢያምጽ የማክተሚያው የመፈንገያው ደወል ተደወለ ማለት ነው። ያን ጊዜም ድል ትጸናለች፤ተስፋም ይለመልማል፤ሕዝብ የነጻነት ንጹህ አየር ይተነፍሳል፤በነጻነት ያስባል፤በአማረ የእድገት እርምጃም ይራመዳል፤ዋስትናውም ይረጋገጣል።

ኢትዮጵያ በእግዚአብሔርና በሕዝቧ ተጠብቃ ትኖራለች!

ቸር ይግጠመን!

ፍአ.